In recent years, questions and arguments about the Mogollon culture have grown hotter. Southwestern archaeologists have split into two camps, one pro- and the other anti-Mogollon. The main argument seems to be whether or not the Mogollon culture was ever a separate entity with a development distinct from the Hohokam and Anasazi cultures, and, if the Mogollon was a separate entity, should it be granted the same independent taxonomic status as the Hohokam and Anasazi?

Much work remains to be done in the Mogollon culture and one can not make too many dogmatic statements. But in this article, I propose to set forth some conjectures which will at least use the available data and which may clarify the situation somewhat.

Much of the discussion about the separateness of the Mogollon has hinged on the problem of dating the earliest known phases of this culture, namely, the San Francisco, the Georgetown, and pre-Georgetown.

Archaeological investigation in the vicinity of Sonoyta, Sonora, Mexico, an oasis and crossroads settlement on the south bank of the Sonoyta River, a spring-fed desert stream that parallels the Arizona-Sonora boundary for some miles, discloses plentiful evidence of a lengthy and probably continuous occupation of the area by a toolusing agricultural people. The location and general environment of Sonoyta is shown in Fig. 3a.

During the last thirty years, several tons of polished stone artifacts, mostly metates, manos, and hammers, have been found in the Sonoyta Valley within easy walking distance of the townsite. Many of these, particularly metates and manos, have been salvaged by local Indians, and are still in use.

On November 2, 1929, a stone carved to represent a man's head was found in a gravel pit in the ancient valley of Trinity River in Henderson County, Texas. Subsequently two additional carved stones were found in the same deposits. The deposits were formed by Trinity River, but are about three miles from the present stream, near a small back valley tributary known as Cedar Creek, about five miles west of the town of Malakoff and three miles north of Trinidad. Cedar Creek unites with Trinity River six miles south of the place where the carvings were found. In preliminary notices the discovery has been referred to as the Malakoff locality.

On the western end of the north coast of Honduras, the outstanding river is the Ulúa, whose basin is formed by the plain of Sula. In the south, the gradually descending steps of the Cordilleras with the open avenues of the Ulúa on the west and her tributaries, the Lindo due south and the Comayagua at the east, bring contact to the wet valley of Sula from the semi-arid interior. Eastward lies the low margin of coast and the lagoons and river systems of the Pijol range. West and southwest is mountain land with an important river valley, the Chamelicon, which merges into the Sula plain. At the north is the open sea, bringing to this region varied influences from many and distant places.

In 1913, Spinden published his monumental work on the artistic forms in Maya culture. Since that time, many of his statements have assumed axiomatic character in the literature and discussion of Maya archaeology. However, as was to be expected, new information has tended to modify some of the generalizations put forward in 1913. In the present paper, I would like to offer evidence to support the hypothesis that certain artistic compositions, treated separately by Spinden, actually are members of a single complex, and then to review some of his generalizations in the light of this evidence and Maya chronology.

The complex which I propose to demonstrate consists of the Ceremonial Bar, the Bar Pendant, and the Frieze-mask. It is my thesis that the Bar Pendant is the conceptual equivalent of the Ceremonial Bar and, in actual practice, is substituted for the latter. Similarly, the Friezemask is conceptually connected with the Bar and, thus, directly or indirectly, with the Pendant.

The Gay Head people make two types of product, namely unfired clay receptacles and fired ware. The craft is surviving because there is a fairly profitable tourist trade demanding a supply of souvenirs.

The peculiar varicolored clay banks provide raw material of unique merit. The individual clays—red, white, green, yellow, etc.—are dug, with shovels or sticks, and kept separately. The preparation of the paste and the building processes are the same whether the finished piece is fired or not. The clay is first allowed to dry, then broken up into fine particles and sifted through a household sieve to rid it of lumps. There are no megoscopically discernible inclusions in the clays, and the adding of temper is unknown. The mixing of the paste is done in an iron receptacle, usually with a wooden pounder, and invariably with the aid of a roughly whittled wooden spatula.

In the recently published paper Two Sites on Martha's Vineyard, the section devoted to the Squibnocket Cliff site included speculation as to the manner of accumulation of the midden deposit, and included a statement that of the portion of the site remaining, the most complicated in structure lay near the edge of the cliff. It was further implied that the center of the deposit had vanished into the sea, and that only the outer fringes remained.

Doubtless these passages created an impression that the authors felt that there was a center of occupation on which the site grew up, perhaps not in concentric layers, for it was specified that horizontal overlapping of strata occurred, but in eccentric overlapping layers. Certainly the cross section through the site shown in our Fig. 13 suggests that the center of occupation had been in the south end of the trench, shown in the upper part of the figure.

In the last issue of American Antiquity, Cressman and Laughlin describe probable artifacts in association with mammoths in the Williamette Valley, Oregon. This association reminded me of a queer detail picked up in Puget Sound, Washington.

While giving incidental vocabulary, a Puyallup informant named one too many members of the local cat family: cougar, panther, mountain lion, and a fourth, lion. The Salish term for the latter, he explained, was currently used for the maned lion seen in zoos, etc., but had previously referred to a much larger animal with enormous teeth. In his boyhood, people had told of the ferocious attacks of this cat on children and adults, although actual encounters, he insisted, had ceased “long, long” before.

Rock paintings in red pigment were discovered in June, 1940, on a bluff where Moose Creek flows into a slough of the Tanana River, eighteen miles above Fairbanks, Alaska. The find was made by engineers of the Army Flood Control Project after trees and brush had been cleared from the face of the bluff in process of obtaining dam material from the hillside. The paintings, some of them destroyed by weathering, others obscured by lichens, represented human figures in various attitudes, and covered most of a comparatively smooth, slightly underhung rock face approximately twenty feet high and fifty feet long. A smaller group of paintings occurred on a vertical rock face higher on the slope.

A new and interesting archaeological site was discovered in the Wyoming Basin, just west of the Continental Divide, by Mr. O. M. Finley of Eden, Wyoming, in 1940. It represents a Yuma camp site associated with bison bones.

In the spring of 1940, Mr. Finley discovered seven stone points or fragments on the surface among sand dunes, ahout four miles southeast of Eden. They were concentrated in an area about five by twenty meters at the base of a dune, and the presence of decalcified bone led Mr. Finley to the conclusion that they had weathered out of a Yuma site nearby. A slight amount of excavation produced additional points, in place, along with decalcified bison bone fragments. A Folsom point with the tip gone had been picked up by Mr. Finley in a blow-out about six hundred and fifty meters to the north, which added interest to the site.