In 1939, the Museum of Anthropology of the University of Michigan continued the survey of the Manitoulin District of Ontario, begun in 1938. Two sites were found on abandoned beaches of Lake Huron, both bearing cultural material in such positions as to enable dating of the material. The first site to be found (KB1) is two miles east of Killarney, on the mainland to the northeast of Manitoulin Island; the second site (CHI) is six miles east of Killarney. The present paper is a preliminary statement of the points of chief interest concerning these two sites. Site KB1 is at about the same level as another, on Great Cloche Island twenty-four miles west, which was excavated in 1938.

The ossuary described in this paper is believed to be at or near the site of Piscataway Fort. Piscataway Fort is of historic interest for it was there, in 1634, that Calvert obtained permission from the “Emperor of the Piscataways” to begin the actual settlement of Maryland.

It is thought that until 1623 the principal town of the Piscataways was at Moyaone on the Potomac just below the mouth of Piscataway Creek. In 1623 Governor Wyatt of Virginia burned Moyaone and the principal site of the tribe was probably moved to Piscataway on the south bank of Piscataway Creek two or three miles east of Moyaone. We know that Piscataway Fort was an important place in 1634 and it continued to be the headquarters of the Piscataways, the most important Indians on the Maryland side of the Potomac, until 1680.

In the spring of 1937 I first saw beveled artifacts in Florida. They were in the extensive catalogued collection of Florida Indian artifacts gathered by the H. H. Simpson family of High Springs, Florida. During that year, two specimens of the same type of beveled artifact were published in the Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia. These latter specimens had been excavated from a pit of pluvial gravel near Clovis, New Mexico, by a field party led by Dr. Edgar B. Howard during the summer of 1936. The three Florida artifacts described herein were found, in a total of seven pieces, by the Simpsons, beginning in June, 1927, in the bed of a Florida river.

The New Mexico artifacts were found in cultural association with typical “Folsom” chipped points; both beveled artifacts and Folsom points were in close physical association with skeletal remains of extinct animals.

The problem, or rather the series of related problems, which concerns the antiquity of man in the New World is complex and its ramifications involve many different phases of anthropology, as well as a large number of related sciences. I intend to deal only with those aspects of the general problem which have to do with the physical character of the earliest inhabitants of North and South America. In this fashion, any consideration of the antiquity of artifacts or other material which reveals the presence of man in early times will be excluded. For the rest, my consideration of these matters resolves itself into two parts: a discussion of the nature and probable antiquity of skulls and skeletons to which has been attributed some geological antiquity, and then a brief consideration of the related problem of presumed inter-racial differences in both the present and the past Indian population of the New World.

In a series of eight former articles, published elsewhere, the writer has described the designs on many of the prehistoric pottery vessels in the collection of the Museum of Archaeology of The Western State College of Colorado Of these eight articles, the last three1 have dealt with the designs on Mimbres vessels. Of the thirty-four vessels of this culture illustrated in these three papers, all but eight show naturalistic art in their decoration. The present, and subsequent papers will deal with geometric forms exclusively.

The Mimbres culture developed in southwestern New Mexico in the valley of the Mimbres River and adjacent regions. It is one of the smallest of the more or less definitely delimited southwestern culture areas. From the standpoint of variety of design, the black-on-white type of pottery reached its greatest degree of specialization in this region in prehistoric times.

Native civilization in western Oregon disintegrated so rapidly under white influence and white men's diseases that only a few traces of it are left. By 1850 most of the native materials had been given up by surviving Indians and replaced by trade implements brought by the whites. It was, therefore, with considerable interest that Mr. Leatherman began excavations in December, 1938, at a small Indian village site at the mouth of Coquille River, Coos County, Oregon.

The peculiar U-shaped stones called yokes, found in large quantities in the State of Veracruz, and adjacent parts of Mexico, and in smaller numbers and of less sumptuous quality through the Central American highlands, have long been the subject of much discussion. It has been claimed that on Pipil (Mexican) sculptures at Santa Lucia Cozumahualpa, on the Pacific slope of Guatemala, individuals, all of whom raise one hand or gaze up at a deity who looks down from the sky, actually wear yokes around their waists. A typical representation of one of these individuals is shown in Fig. 33 a. Dr. S. K. Lothrop considered that there could be no doubt that the pottery vessel from the neighborhood of El Quiche, Guatemala, shown in Fig. 33 b, actually represented a person wearing a stone yoke around his waist, and thereby was strengthened in his belief that the Santa Lucia Cozumahualpa figures are actually portrayed as wearing stone yokes.

Point Sal is 50 miles north of Santa Barbara, and represents a seaward projection of the Casmalia Hills. Two and a half miles inland from the sea, at an elevation of 1100 feet, there occurs a large flowing spring. On the bench below this spring there is an extensive shell midden of the general type described by D. B. Rogers for the area south of here. Excavation on this site was limited to four small test pits and to the removal of a group of burials from the upper level. The test pits showed a maximum depth of 10 feet near the center, and a thinning towards the edges. Three principal strata were observed, and will be designated as numbers I, II, III, numbering from the bottom up.

Stratum number I was two feet thick. It was of a brown color, of a clayey textured soil streaked with lime. Its shell and ash content was the lowest of the three. Stratum number II was grey colored.

In gathering data for this paper it was discovered that publications containing information on the subject have described inadequately specimens found, especially in regard to the materials of which they are composed and their sources. For example, in describing arrowheads made of obsidian the sizes and shapes have been dealt with at great length, but the writers have neglected to state the qualities of the obsidian itself, viz., whether it was mottled, opaque, black, etc. Metates likewise have been described as being made of granite, limestone, sandstone, and lava, most writers deeming that information sufficient. Such a description is not enough, and ultimately it may lead to a false interpretation of the data gathered. A single example may suffice to show what may occur. In a very well known publication dealing with archaeology in the Northern Periphery, metates of granite have been reported from near Willard, Utah.

The Tlingit Indians occupy all of Southeastern Alaska from Dixon's Entrance to Cape St. Elias except the southern half of Prince of Wales Island, which is Haida, and Annette Island, which is a Tsimshian reservation. Formerly all of this region was Tlingit.

Throughout this entire district and extending into the southern half of the Northwest Coast culture area, petroglyphs abound. These inscriptions in their simpler forms have much in common with those of widely separated regions of the earth. There are simple cups, rings, spirals, concentric circles, etc. But the typical petroglyphs of this area are as original as the well-known decorative art of the Northwest Coast and apparently closely affiliated with it in both form and meaning.

It is the goal of this article to present tangible evidence that these petroglyphs originated from (a) natural effects and (b) depressions worn in rock in the process of tool-making.

I present herewith four-cell coefficients calculated from data given in two recent midwestern archaeological reports by Webb and Griffin. The purpose is not controversial, since in a simple situation involving a small number of culturally related sites a competent archaeologist saturated in his material can draw all important classificatory inferences and it would be vain to hope that any statistical device would add anything fundamental. What calculations can do in such a case is this: (1) Check errors and oversights of “intuitive” or inspectional interpretation. This of course holds both ways: if there is serious disagreement, a coraputatory error may be at fault. (2) Present results with added clarity and incisiveness, especially after numerical coefficients have been translated into diagrams. (3) Indicate minor revisions of classification. (4) Sometimes suggest the factor at work if a classification comes out conflicting or dubious at certain points.

In my Studies on the Inscriptions of Chichen Itza I gave tentative datings of a number of buildings and monuments on the basis of Tun-Ahau combinations contained in their inscriptions. The list is repeated here as Table I.

Repair of Mummy Cave Tower, Canyon del Muerto, was begun by the Bureau of American Ethnology and the American Museum of Natural History in 1924 and completed by the National Park Service and Carnegie Institution of Washington in 1932. The final stage consisted of the replacement of the southeast corner, the lower part of which had fallen previous to Mindeleff's study of the structure in 1882, and the rest of it, between that time and my first visit in 1922. As the work of rebuilding neared the top, where less of the masonry had fallen, there was found an alignment of prayer sticks, set vertically in the hearting between the face courses.

The lowest remaining member of the series was a peeled twig, a,2 placed slender end upward and bent into a crook at the tip. Beside the butt of it, 1.5 m. from the top of the wall was the cast of a well-finished stick of larger size, perhaps b, which came from the debris cleared away to provide a new foundation for the corner.

Some eleven years ago, about three miles outside of Lebanon, Oregon, on the north side of an extension of the foothillsof the Cascade Range, a rancher, in cleaning out his spring, discovered a fossilized bone of a large mammal. In response to his communication, Dr. S. B. Laughlin of the Department of Sociology at Willamette University, in Salem, went to the site with Professor Monk and Professor Clark, and carried out an excavation. Part of a mammoth tooth was found, a portion of a tusk, and a small bone chisel made from the rib of a mammal perhaps the size of a deer.

This locality was called to the attention of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Oregon by Professor Laughlin's son within the past year; and in May, he and Cressman, with a number of assistants, went to the site to carry out further excavations.

The ceramic complex of the Middle Mississippian phase in northeast Arkansas is comparatively well known, though its origin and relationships are still obscure. Holmes and Moore described and classified this ware, but were unable to place it chronologically. Vaillant later pointed out certain striking analogies between the vessel forms from this area and those from Mexico, Central and South America, but his study was made from the standpoint of horizontal distribution.

Although the examples which he illustrates are quite suggestive of a Latin American origin, Vaillant's hypothesis is most strongly supported by specific types which have a composite silhouette. It is true that these forms are characteristic of the Arkansas Middle Mississippian complex; but they are complemented by a great number of simple vessels which are either plain or have elementary intaglio and relief designs.

The archaeology of Minnesota is of interest for three principal reasons. Its geographical situation near the center of the continent, where it is the only state having drainage to the Arctic Ocean, the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the Gulf of Mexico, gives it importance in the consideration of migrations of early man and of the late prehistoric westward movements of various Indian groups. Until recently, the archaeology of this large area was less well known than that of other areas in the region, so an increased knowledge of it will be of value in contributing to a better understanding of the known archaeological manifestations of the central and northeastern parts of the United States. Finally, over most of the state the last prehistoric remains are of the Woodland pattern, giving an especially good opportunity for a study of that pattern in a relatively unaffected form.