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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 September 2013
On October 14, 1935, the Conservative party, which had been in power in Canada since the general election of July, 1930, was resoundingly defeated. The Conservatives had carried 137 seats in 1930. In 1935 their numbers were reduced to 40. The 93 Liberal seats of 1930 were increased in 1935 to 179—a majority of 113 in a house of 245. Such a majority is without precedent in Canadian history. Even the Unionist government in the war election of 1917 received only 153 seats to the opposition's 82. The Liberal sweep was almost Dominion-wide. The Liberals carried all but one of the 26 constituencies in the three Maritime Provinces, 60 of the 65 Quebec constituencies, 56 out of 82 in Ontario (more than they have obtained in that province in any election since 1874), 14 out of 17 in Manitoba, 16 out of 21 in Saskatchewan, 7 out of 16 in British Columbia. Only in Alberta did they suffer a crushing defeat. There, only one Liberal was returned; 15 of the remaining 16 seats were carried by the new Social Credit party; the other seat went to the leader of the Conservative party, Mr. R. B. Bennett.
1 The authority used in determining the political affiliation of candidates is Official Nominations (Canadian Press, Toronto, 1935)Google Scholar. The number of votes cast for each candidate is given in Part IV of the Report of the Chief Electoral Officer for the General Election of 1935. Two departures were made from the affiliations as given by the Canadian press: Mr. Henri Bourassa (Labelle, Quebec) was considered as an Independent, not as an Independent Liberal (his opponent in a straight fight was an official Liberal); Mr. A. W. Neill (Comox-Alberni, British Columbia) was considered as a Liberal, not as an Independent (his was one of the two constituencies in the Dominion which was not contested by the Liberal party). The Conservative vote includes that given to Independent-Conservatives; the Liberal vote includes that given to the Independent-Liberals and to Liberal-Progressives. The vote given to the various Farmer and Labour candidates in 1930 is listed under C. C. F. In those few constituencies which return two members, only half the total vote cast is counted.
2 The vote in the English constituencies of Ontario can be taken as an example:
It is reasonable to assume that at least a quarter of the vote polled by the minor parties in 1935 came from people who would have voted Liberal in 1930, and that the Liberals must have secured the support of a large number of former Conservatives in order to maintain their position at substantially the 1930 level. In the three far western provinces, however, it is probable that almost all the Conservative losses constituted gains for the minor parties and that the Liberals did not pick up many votes from the Conservatives to make up for their own losses to those parties.
3 Hochelaga, St. Denis, St. Henry, St. James.
4 A rural constituency is one which contains no town or city with a population of over 5,000.
5 Bellechase, Berthier-Maskinongé, Dorchester, Kamouraska, Laval-Two Mountains, Lotbinière, Montmagny-L'Islet, Nicolet-Yamaska, Quebec-Montmorency, Richmond-Wolfe, Vaudreuil-Soulanges.
6 Excluding Labelle, in which Mr. Henri Bourassa was returned by acclamation in 1930.
7 Bruce, Dufferin-Simcoe, Frontenac-Addington, Haldimand, Hastings-Peterborough, Middlesex-West, Muskoka-Ontario, Parry Sound, Welling North, York North.
8 During the election, Mr. Mackenzie King, leader of the Liberal party, denied the charge that the Liberal party had no policy. He said in his radio broadcast of September 17: “The Liberal party, on the contrary, has very definite policies and proposals, but unlike those of Mr. Bennett and Mr. Stevens, they have not been especially concocted since the prorogation of Parliament. They have been set forth, time and again, over a period of years, and enjoy the unanimous support of a party united from coast to coast.” He then proceeded to summarize the fourteen-point program he had put forward in the House of Commons on February 27, 1933. This program was not very precise. It consisted, in the main, of proposals on which all parties are agreed, such as the desirability of expanding Canada's external trade by negotiating “trade agreements with any countries willing to trade with Canada on a reciprocal basis,” or of proposals of minor importance such as government acquisition of the shares of the central bank. Where Liberal policy differed from Conservative policy was that the Liberal party declared itself in principle to be opposed to increased state intervention in the economic life of the country, and to the granting of those increased powers to the executive which usually accompany state intervention. But the Liberal party did not make clear at the election to what particular aspects of state intervention they were opposed. Nevertheless, a number of voters undoubtedly supported the Liberals because they disliked restriction and control in economic legislation. Another point of difference between Liberal and Conservative policy was that the Liberals came out flatly for repeal of Section 98 of the criminal code which drastically restricts the rights of free speech and free discussion.
9 Mr. Ernest Lapointe, leader of the French section of the federal Liberal party, is reported to have said at an election meeting in his constituency a month before the general election (Le Soleil, Quebec, Sept. 17, 1935): “Le demande encore à nos amis de s'unir, de laisser leurs petites dissentions de côté, pour nous assurer une majorité comme nous en avions une au parlement de 1921 à 1930. Il n'y a pas à dire, c'est nous, de la province de Québec, qui menions au parlement dans ce tempslà. Ca n'a pas été la meme chose depuis 1930. (Rires.)”
10 Of course, the Liberals might gain on the swings what they lost on the round-abouts. For if the Conservative party came out wholeheartedly in favour of active Canadian participation in major overseas wars in which Great Britain was seriously involved, it might lose to the Liberals not only a majority of its French speaking supporters but also a considerable section of its English-speaking supporters.
11 First manifesto on “Liberty and Democratic Leadership,” published in England in February, 1934, with 150 signatures, among them, it is interesting to note, that of Mr. John Buchan, M.P., now Lord Tweedsmuir, governor-general of Canada (The Next Five Years, London, 1935, pp. 312–313)Google Scholar.
