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The German Party System
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 August 2014
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It has now been ten years since the German people elected the National Assembly which gave them the Weimar constitution. A decade of self-government under this liberal and democratic charter has rather definitely established the lines of party cleavage and the general features of the party system, and the time seems ripe for a survey of the system with a view to elucidating its principal characteristics. The present article is concerned only incidentally with party history before the revolution of 1918, and also not primarily with the party programs of today. It has to do, rather, with what Lord Bryce once referred to as “the pathology of party government,” and also with what political scientists have now come to recognize as the heart—one might say the thermostat—of popular government, namely, party organization and machinery. Parteiwesen is the German word, and it refers to the practical operation of the party system.
Why should Germany be the subject of such a study? There are several very good reasons. Since the overthrow of the imperial régime, Germany has been operating under a very progressive constitution. In many respects it is the most advanced constitution in the world. Political parties are required to operate such a system based on popular rule, and the party system developed in the Reich is so unique and interesting, so illustrative of many problems which are now troubling political thinkers the world over, that it warrants close study. Then again, by throwing light on the motive power and the nerves of the government, we will be better able to understand how the government itself operates. In brief, we find in Germany a new government operated by means of a new party system. The experience of an intelligent and powerful people with such a system should be useful to everyone interested in the problem of popular government.
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- Copyright © American Political Science Association 1929
References
1 For a good brief history of German parties, consult Bergsträsser, L., Geschichte der politischen Parteien (5th ed., Berlin, 1928)Google Scholar. The standard reference on party programs is Saloman, F., Die deutschen Parteiprogramme, 3 vols. (4th ed., Berlin, 1926)Google Scholar. In Zehn Jahre Deutsche Republik, by Erkelenz, Anton (Berlin, 1928), pp. 534–542Google Scholar, Professor Bergsträsser has written a good brief account of the aims of presentday German parties.
2 There has recently appeared an excellent study of the German government written by Blachly, and Oatman, and entitled The Government and Administration of Germany (Baltimore, 1928)Google Scholar. The authors of this valuable book did not attempt to deal with German parties.
3 Bergsträsser, op. cit., p. 7.
4 See the excellent book by Prof.Koellreutter, Otto, Die politischen Parteien im modernen Staate (Breslau, 1926), pp. 18–36Google Scholar.
5 See Jäckh, Ernst, The New Germany (London, 1927), p. 47Google Scholar.
6 American Political Science Review, vol. 22, pp. 698–706Google Scholar.
7 See Lenz, Joseph, Was wollen die Kommunisten (Berlin, 1927)Google Scholar.
8 Die Gesellschaft, vol. 5, No. 7, p. 5Google Scholar.
9 The Jahrbuch der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, 1927, p. 219Google Scholar, contains a table showing the representation of the party in the various governing bodies of the Reich.
10 Op. cit., p. 185.
11 The standard history of the Social Democratic party is Mehring, Franz, Geschichte der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, 4 vols. (Stuttgart, 1903)Google Scholar. A shorter, but more recent, work is Lipinski, Richard, Die Sozialdemokratie, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1927)Google Scholar. See Jahrbuch der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, which has appeared each year since 1926.
12 See Erkelenz, Anton, Zehn Jahre Deutsche Republik (Berlin, 1928)Google Scholar, a volume which deals with all phases of the life and work of the Democratic party.
13 See Bachem, Karl, Vorgeschichte und Geschichte und Politik der deutschen Zentrumspartei (Cologne, 1927)Google Scholar; Schauff, Johannes, Die deutschen Katholiken und die Zentrumspartei (Cologne, 1927)Google Scholar; Röder, Adam, Der Weg des Zentrums (Berlin, 1925)Google Scholar; and Schreiber, G., Grundfragen der Zentrumspolitik (Berlin, 1924)Google Scholar.
14 See “Die Arbeitsgemeinschaft zwischen Bayerischer Volkspartei und Zentrum,” in the party magazine Tren zur Fahne, Dec., 1927, MunichGoogle Scholar. Also Schreiber, Georg, Politisches Jahrbuch, 1925, p. 69 ffGoogle Scholar.
15 In 1927 this party published a volume entitled Deutscher Aufbau which contains a series of articles dealing with all phases of the party's life.
16 The Nationalists have published a useful pamphlet entitled “Die Wirtschaftspartei,” Berlin, 1927Google Scholar. See Handbuch der Wirtschaftspartei (Berlin, 1924)Google Scholar.
17 See Westarp, Graf, Klar das Ziel (Berlin 1926)Google Scholar; also Graef, Walther, Werden und Wollen der Deutschnationalen Partei (Berlin, 1924)Google Scholar, and Lambach, Walter, Politische Praxis (Berlin, 1927)Google Scholar.
18 Nationalsozialistisches Jahrbuch (Munich, 1927)Google Scholar.
19 Consult Sultan, Herbert, “Zur Soziologie des Modernen Parteisystems,” in Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft und Sozialpolitik, vol. 55, No. 1, pp. 91–140Google Scholar; Triepel, Heinrich, Die Staatsverfassung und die politischen Parteien (Berlin, 1928)Google Scholar; Decker, Georg, “Krise des deutschen Parteisystems,” in Die Gesellshaft, vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 1–16 (1926)Google Scholar. Also the organization handbooks of the various parties which are distributed among their workers.
20 The organization of the Economic party, the National Socialist party, the Bavarian Peoples' party, and the Communist party will not be drawn on for illustrations, because, several features of their organizations are not typical, and because they are not of major importance. In a short study such as this, they cannot be treated. The Bavarian Peoples' party is a very interesting group which might well be studied separately. See Pfeiffer, Anton, Gedankenwelt und Tätigkeit der bayerischen Volkspartei (Munich, 1925)Google Scholar.
21 If a member of the party in a legislative body leaves his party, he is expected to vacate his seat, so that the party will be properly represented. There is a moral, but not a legal, obligation to resign. See Wells, R. H., “Partisanship and Parties in German Municipal Government,” National Municipal Review, vol. 17, pp. 479–481 (August, 1928)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
22 The organization of the Communist party differs from that of the other parties in that it is based entirely on the working class, and is built up from what are called Betriebszellen or Strassenzellen. In every unit there is an assembly and a party directorate, which culminates in a party conference and a party convention which elects a central committee to direct the party work. Although the plan of organization looks very democratic, actually the party is quite easily controlled by a few leaders. See Piatnitzki, Ossip, Organisatorische Fragen (Hamburg, 1925)Google Scholar, for a complete description of the party organization, together with numerous organization charts.
23 See the various annual reports published by the provincial organizations of the Social Democratic party and of the Center party.
24 See, for instance, the Jahresbericht of the German Democratic party for 1926, in order to find a list of the party's activities.
25 Consult the section entitled Bildungswesen in the Jahrbuch der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, 1927, p. 220Google Scholar.
26 A few of the more important ones are: Kommunalpolitische Blätter (Centrist), die Gemeinde (Socialist), Kommunale Umschau (Peoples' party), Der Demokrat (Democratic), Die Hilfe (Democratic), Deutsche Stimmen (Peoples' party), Das Junge Zentrum (Centrist), Unsere Partei (Nationalist), Deutsche Selbstverwaltung (Nationalist).
27 See Jahrbuch der deutschen Sozialdemohratie, 1927, p. 188Google Scholar.
28 Op. cit., 1927, p. 223. See also a party publication entitled “Die Sozialdemokratische Parteipresse im Geschäftsjahr 1927.
29 Op. cit., p. 222.
30 Consult Bernhard, Ludwig, Der Hugenberg-Konzern (Berlin, 1928)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Baecker, Paul, Die deutschnationale Volkspartei und die Presse (Berlin, 1925)Google Scholar.
31 The three newspapers here referred to are the Berliner Tageblatt, the Vossische Zeitung of Berlin, and the Frankfurter Zeitung. See Göttinger, Franz, Geheimwirkungen der Presse (Graz, 1924)Google Scholar.
32 Stampfer, the editor of Vorwärts, Georg Bernhard, the editor of the “Voss,” and Hugenberg are members of the Reichstag, merely to mention a few of the more prominent editors. Many Social Democratic members of the Reichstag and of the various Landtags are also editors of local newspapers.
33 The writer hopes to publish in the near future a study of the use of money in English, French, and German elections where these matters will be treated thoroughly.
34 See American Political Science Review, vol. 22, pp. 698–706Google Scholar, for an account of the last Reichstag election. Also National Municipal Review, vol. 17, pp. 15–19Google Scholar, for an account of a municipal election in Hamburg.
35 Koellreutter, Otto, Die politischen Parteien im modernen Staate, pp. 50–54Google Scholar.
36 See the Organizationsstatut der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands, section 6.
37 See the Satzungen der deutschnationalen Volkspartei, especially sections 31 to 47 inclusive. The real power in the party is not the national convention nor the local conventions, but the executive organs, especially the Parteileitung.
38 Spengler, Oswald, Untergang des Abendlandes, vol. 2, p. 573Google Scholar.
39 A party, however large its total vote in the Reich, cannot secure a seat unless it has been able to elect a member in one of the thirty-five districts. All surpluses from these districts are taken to the unions of districts, where seats are again awarded on the basis of one seat for each 60,000 votes. Finally, any surpluses from the unions of districts, or if the party has not seen fit to make unions of districts, then all surpluses from the districts, are carried over to the national list, where again one seat is awarded for every 60,000 votes. There is, therefore, no wastage of votes, and parties secure representation in exact proportion to the vote cast.
40 See Section 32 of the Nationalist constitution; also sections 14 and 15 of the People's party constitution.
41 Consult Hauptergebnisse der Wahlenz um Reichstag bearbeitet in Büro des Reichswahlleiters (Berlin, 1928)Google Scholar.
42 The names placed on the national list are usually those of prominent members of the party. Some of these might find difficulty in being elected in a constituency, but the party feels the need of their services and assures their election by putting them on the national list in good position. There is, of course, some value in assuring seats to many of the best men in the party.
43 In the states, counties, and cities the binding force of the machine is somewhat less than in the national sphere. But the writer was unable to find any section of Germany where the machine was weak.
44 Zeitschrift für Politic, vol. 18, no. 3, pp. 137–146Google Scholar.
45 Die Gesellschaft, vol. 5, no. 11, p. 395Google Scholar.
46 Ruthenberg, Otto, Verfassungsgesetze des deutschen Reichs und der deutschen Länder (Berlin, 1926)Google Scholar.
47 See Geschäftsordnung für den Reichstag, sections 49–62.
48 Consult a very readable and illuminating book by Walter Lambach, a member of the Reichstag, entitled Die Herrschaft der Fünfhundert (Berlin, 1926)Google Scholar. This book describes the operations of the Reichstag and the work of its individual members.
49 Koellreutter says: “The member is no longer the representative of the whole people but of a party.” Op. cit., p. 67. See also the excellent article in Zeitschrift für Politik, vol. 18, no. 3, pp. 137–146Google Scholar, entitled “Freies oder Imperatives Mandat.” This writer points out how the party state has really overcome parliamentary democracy by so closely binding legislative members to their parties.
50 Lambach, op. cit., p. 17.
51 It should not be overlooked that the party fractions in legislative bodies are always represented in party conventions and on various party committees. Here again the party leaders are given additional strength to put through their plans. Party fractions frequently publish reports to show the work which they have accomplished over a period of years. These reports are an indispensable source of information for anyone desiring to study the operations of the parliamentary system.
52 There is nearly as much incompatibility of opinion in several of the German parties as there is in either of the two great American parties.
53 The election of Hindenburg in 1925 has proved to be a great boon to the German people, but his election was made possible by the Communist candidate attracting enough voters away from the more liberal presidential candidate who was running against Hindenburg. Hindenburg was not the majority choice. Such important matters should not be left to chance.
54 See Jahrbuch des öffentlichen Rechts, 1925, vol. 13, pp. 1–249Google Scholar, for an admirable summary of the experience of Germany under the Weimar constitution. Also Blachly and Oatman, op. cit., p. 37, for the difficulties of cabinet government under a multi-party system.
55 Blachly and Oatman, op. cit., p. 142.
56 See the excellent article on this subject by ProfessorWells, in the National Municipal Review, vol. 17, pp. 473–481CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
57 See Koch-Weser, Erich, Einheitsstaat und Selbstverwaltung (Berlin, 1928)Google Scholar, for a good discussion of this point.
58 Jellinek, Walter, Die deutschen Landtagswahlgesetze (Berlin, 1926)Google Scholar.
59 The Reichsministerium des Innern prepared a Denkschrift in 1928 for the ministry which summarized all these features of the various state electoral laws.
60 Kaisenberg, G., Die Wahl zum Reichstag (Berlin, 1924), p. 19Google Scholar.
61 These cases are discussed in Archiv des öffentlichen Rechts, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 99–139 (1928)Google Scholar.
62 In 1928 the Wulfmeyer family formed a party which was called “Law and Renter's Protection party.” As the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung remarked: “Here is real anarchy—every family its own party!” One group whose list was finally thrown out called itself “Ganz parteilos für des Volkes Wohl.”
63 Daniels, H. G., The Rise of the German Republic (N. Y., 1928), p. 85Google Scholar.
64 Germania, the official organ of the Center party, in its issue of April 21, 1925, said: “Weltanschauung und Politik lassen sich nicht trennen. Diesen Satz hat keine Partei entschiedener und konsequenter vertreten als das Zentrum …. Das Zentrum is also ausgesprochen Weltanschauungspartei.”
65 Koellreutter, op. cit., pp. 55–61.
66 Lederer, , “Das ökonomische Element und die politische Idee im modernen Parteiwesen,” in Zeitschrift für Politik, vol. 5, p. 535 ffGoogle Scholar.
67 Koellreutter, op. cit., p. 41.
68 See the Handbuch der Wirtschaftspartei des deutschen Mittelstandes für die Reichstags- und Gemeindewahlen 1924.
69 In the spring of 1928 the People's party was unable to nominate Dr. Hans Luther as had been desired because of the insistence of one of the strong elements in the party that its representative should have the place intended for Dr. Luther.
70 This problem is not limited to Germany. The relationships between parties and interests is very important in England, France, and the United States.
71 Jahrbuch des öffentlichen Rechts, vol. 13 (1925), p. 165 ffGoogle Scholar.
72 See the excellent discussion of the question in Koellreutter, op. cit., pp. 78–86.
73 For instance, Dr. Gertrud Bäumer, the leader of the German women's movement.
74 Every party has a Reichsfrauenausschuss, with sub-committees in each district of the country. National conferences of women members are called at least once a year.
75 The following are a few of the women members of the Reichstag: Dr. Bäumer, Dr. Lüders, Neuhaus, Philipp, von Sperber, Juchacz, Schroeder, Dr. Matz.
76 Jahrbuch der Sozialdemokratie, 1927, p. 219Google Scholar.
77 Dr.Jäckh, Ernst is the director of the School. See his valuable little book, The New Germany, pp. 63–66Google Scholar.
78 See Das Junge Zentrum, vol. 4, no. 3, pp. 58–72 (March, 1927)Google Scholar, for a discussion of these organizations.
79 See Schreiber, Georg, Politisches Jahrbuch, 1925, p. 47Google Scholar.
80 Consult the article by Port, Hermann on “The Two-Party System and the Center Party,” in Hochland, vol. 22, pp. 369 ff. (1924–1925)Google Scholar.
81 With an electoral system similar to the German, Austria has but three parties.
82 ProfessorWells, has written a brief, but excellent, article on “Non-voting in Germany,” which appeared in The Historical Outlook, vol. 19, pp. 267–269 (October, 1928)Google Scholar. The article explains Germany's voting record.
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