² Hankey, V., ‘Mycenaean pottery in the Middle East: notes on finds since 1951’, BSA 62 (1967), 107–47Google Scholar; G. Cadogan, in Acts, 166–74; id. (1993) ‘Cyprus, Mycenaean pottery, trade and colonisation’, in C. Zerner (ed.) Wace and Blegen. Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age. 1939–1989, (Amsterdam, 1993), 91–9; most recently Leonard, A. L., An Index to the Late Bronze Age Aegean Pottery from Syria-Palestine (SIMA 114; Jonsered, 1994)Google Scholar.

³ Appadurai, A., ‘Introduction: commodities and the politics of value’, in Appadurai, A. (ed.) The Social Life of Things. Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Arafat, K. and Morgan, C., ‘Athens, Etruria and the Heuneburg: mutual misconceptions in the study of Greek-barbarian relations’, in Morris, I. (ed.), Classical Greece: Ancient Histories and Modern Archaeologies (Cambridge, 1994), 108Google Scholar. For the adoption of specific elements of another culture see Watrous, L.V., ‘The role of the Near East in the rise of Cretan palaces’, in Hägg, R. (ed.), The Function of Minoan Palaces (Stockholm, 1967), 66Google Scholar; Smith, J., ‘Cylinder Seals in the Aegean: Contextual and Spatial Analyses of Exchange’, (unpublished MA thesis, Bryn Mawr, 1989)Google Scholar; Marshall, Y. and Maas, A., ‘Dashing dishes’, World Archaeology 28.3, 275–90Google Scholar.

⁴ G. Cadogan in Acts, 168–71.

⁵ Catling, H. W. ‘Aegean pottery in Late Bronze Age Cyprus’, in Jones, R. E., Greek and Cypriot Pottery: A Review of Scientific Studies (Athens, 1986), 591Google Scholar. At Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios, for example, Aegean imports at most comprise only 1–2% of the total excavated ceramics (before the inclusion of the plain wares and pithos to the total counts), South, A. K. and Russell, P., ‘Mycenaean pottery and social hierarchy at Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios, Cyprus’, in Zerner, C. (ed.), Wace and Blegen. Pottery as Evidence for Trade in the Aegean Bronze Age. 1939–1989, (Amsterdam, 1993), 303Google Scholar.

⁶ For example note the predominance of Mycenaean pottery in the LC II A sanctuary at Ayia-Irini, , SCE i. 356–61, pl. lxviGoogle Scholar. Also note the dump of Mycenaean drinking equipment in a LC II C pit/latrine in Building X at Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios (A. 173), together with meat-bearing bones of caprine, probably the debris of élite feasting in the administrative/public area of the site: South, A., ‘Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios 1987’, RDAC 1988, Part 1, 227–8Google Scholar: South and Russell (n. 5), 304–6.

⁷ Cadogan, in Acts, 169.

⁸ Leonard, A. L.. ‘Considerations of morphological variation in the Mycenaean pottery from the southeastern Mediterranean’, BASOR 241 (1989), 94–100Google Scholar.

⁹ Sherratt, E.S., ‘Patterns of contact between the Aegean and Cyprus in the 13th and 12th centuries BC’, Archaeologia Cypria, 3 (1994), 36Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Karageorghis, V., Kition: Mycenaean and Phoenician Discoveries in Cyprus (London, 1976), pl. ivGoogle Scholar.

¹¹ MPVP 8.

¹² Keswani, P. S., ‘Mortuary Ritual and Social Hierarchy in Bronze Age Cyprus’ (Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Michigan), 1989, 562Google Scholar.

¹³ V. Karageorghis, ‘A Late Mycenaean III B chariot crater from Cyprus’, RDAC 1982, 82.

¹⁴ Catling (n. 5), 594.

¹⁵ But see Sherratt (n. 9), 35.

¹⁶ Ead., ‘Regional variation in the pottery of Late Helladic IIIB’, BSA 75 (1980), 196Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Ead. (n. 9), 36.

¹⁸ V. Hankey (n. 2), 145.

¹⁹ ibid. 146.

²⁰ Sjöqvist, E., Problems of the Late Cypriote Bronze Age (Stockholm, 1940), 30Google Scholar: the Levanto-Helladic ware.

²¹ Catling, H. W. et al. , ‘Correlations between compostion and provenance of Mycenaean and Minoan pottery’, BSA 58 (1963), 94–115Google Scholar; Catling, H. W. and Millett, A., ‘A Study in the composition and provenance of Mycenaean Pictorial Pottery from Cyprus’, BSA 60 (1965), 212–24Google Scholar; H. W. Catling et at., ‘Composition and provenance problems in Late Bronze Age pottery’, RDAC (1978), 70–90; F. Asaro and I. Perlman, ‘Provenience studies of Mycenaean pottery employing Neutron Activation Analysis’, in Acts, 213–24.

²² MPVP 9.

²³ Boardman suggests the movement of clay from Chios to Naucratis as ballast in corn ships, Boardman, J., The Greeks Overseas. Their Early Colonies and Trade, (London, 1980), 123Google Scholar. Gill, D. W. J., ‘METRU.MENECE: an Etruscan painted inscription on a mid-5th-century BC red-figure cup from Poulonia’, Antiquity 61 (1987), 82–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar for example suggests that an Attic red-figured sherd found at Populonia marked in Etruscan before firing is eivdence for the movement of clays to Etruria as no Athenian painter-potter would have marked a vase in Etruscan. See Arafat and Morgan (n. 3), n. 1 for objections to transport of clay. Keswani (n. 12). 557 has also suggested that it was not feasible to move substantial quantities of clay by sea without some difficulties because of the bulkiness of the clay. More importantly a possible production centre for Mycenaean pottery apparently specializing in vases specifically targeted at the eastern market has been identified at Berbati, A. Åkerström, Berbati ii, The Prictonal Pottery, 119–20; Crouwel, J. H., Well Built Mycenae. The Helleno-British Excavations within the Citadel at Mycenae, 1959–1969, Fascicule 21 (Oxford, 1991), 27Google Scholar.

²⁴ Ethnographic studies of pottery production have shown that the motor habit patterns and skills involved in learning a particular ceramic technology are usually acquired over a long period and most easily and effectively during childhood. It is more difficult to acquire these skills and to achieve the same level of competency as an adult. Arnold, D. E.. Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process (Cambridge, 1985), 205–6Google Scholar. As a corollary, Arnold notes the enormous difficulties involved in transmitting technological innovations across cultural boundaries: ‘First, the motor habit patterns of the innovation may be incompatible with the motor habit patterns already existing in the society. The wheel for example, may be resisted because the traditional motor habit patterns may not conform to those required by this innovation’ (ibid. 221). This has enormous implications for the appearance and eventual adoption of wheel-made Mycenaean fine wares (both imports and local copies) in Cyprus.

²⁵ Sherratt interprets the increasing standardization and apparent mass production of pottery (specifically the WPWM III ware) as part of a general process of urbanization and administrative centralization on Cyprus during the thirteenth and twelfth centuries BC: c. f. Cypriot Ceramics, 191.

²⁶ Russell, P., in KAD ii. 7, 8Google Scholar.

²⁷ For a summary of provenience studies of Late Bronze Age Cyprus and bibliography c. f. Knapp, A. B. and Cherry, J. F., Provenience Studies and Bronze Age Cyprus: Production, Exchange and Politico-Economic Change (Madison, Wis., 1984), 18, 21–3, 45–6, 61–2Google Scholar.

²⁸ Cf. Merrillees, R., Alashiya Revisited (Paris, 1987)Google Scholar for a review of the history of research on the Alashiya question. A. B. Knapp et al., Sources for the History of Cyprus II: Near Eastern and Aegean Texts from the Third to the First Millennium BC, Greece and Cyprus Research Centre. Cf. also Smith, J., ‘Seals for Sealing in the Late Bronze Age’, (unpublished PhD. thesis, Bryn Mawr, 1994), 9–44Google Scholar, for discussion of historical and systemic models of LC political complexity (chiefdom or state) and discussion of Alashiya.

²⁹ It has been suggested that there was a unified island-wide kingdom [of Alashiya?] on Cyprus in the Late Bronze Age, possibly dominated by a pre-eminent centre, usually assumed to be Enkomi; Knapp, A. B., ‘Ideology, archaeology and polity’, Man, (NS) 23 (1988), 151–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar, J. Muhly, ‘The organization of the copper industry in Late Bronze Age Cyprus’, in ESC 303. Keswani, , however, ‘Models of local exchange in Late Bronze Age Cyprus’, BASOR 292 (1993), 74–5Google Scholar argues against an island-wide polity, noting the very great regional variation in ‘state’ architecture (temples etc.), the lack of evidence for a coherent administrative technology, and the lack of evidence for an administrative or social hierarchy centred on Enkomi as indicated by the patterning of élite funerary assemblages across the island. Others have also noted the regional-based organization of Late Bronze Age Cyprus, based on local control of copper or agricultural resources, Webb, J. M. and Frankel, D., ‘Making an impression: storage and surplus finance in Late Bronze Age Cyprus’, JMA 7 (1994), 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar, or the élite's privileged access to the Late Bronze Age international trading systems.

³⁰ Knapp, A. B., ‘The bronze age economy of Cyprus’, in Karageorghis, V. and Michaelides, D. (eds), The Development of the Cypriot Economy from the Prehistoric Period to the Present (Nicosia, 1996), 79–80Google Scholar.

³¹ A. K. South, ‘From copper to kingship: aspects of Bronze Age society viewed from the Vasilikos valley’, in ESC 319.

³² Catling, H.W., ‘Patterns of settlement in Bronze Age Cyprus’, Op. Ath. 4 (1963), 144–5Google Scholar; c.f. also discussion in Keswani (n. 29), 76–80. For example a LC I smelting site at Politiko-Phorades, Knapp, A. B., The Archaeology of Late Bronze Age Cypriot Society. The Study of Settlement, Survey, and Landscape (Glasgow, 1997), 41Google Scholar. Analiondas-Palioklichia is probably an example of a small agricultural village, c. f. J. M. Webb and D. Frankel (n. 29), 5–26 and the so-called LC IIIA sanctuary at Ayia Irini (SCE i. 820–1) likewise demonstrates all the characteristics of an agricultural production and storage centre, probably dating to LC II C.

³³ Keswani, P. S., ‘Dimensions of social hierarchy in Late Bronze Age Cyprus: an analysis of the mortuary data from Enkomi’, JMA 2 (1989), 49–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ Carter, J. B.. ‘Ancestor cult and the occasion of heroic performance’, in Carter, J. B. and Morris, S. (eds), The Ages of Homer. A Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule (Austin, 1995), 303Google Scholar. C.f. e.g. Langdon, S., ‘The return of the horse-leader’, AJA 93 (1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. fig. 13, or scenes on cylinder seals of the late second millennium BC, Contenau, G., La Glyptique syro-hittite (Paris, 1922)Google Scholar. pl. XXVII, figs. 193, 196.

³⁵ See for example E. Hersher (forthcoming) in R. Laffineur (ed.). Four Thousand Years of Images on Cypriote Pottery.

³⁶ E. Goring. ‘Death in everyday life: aspects of burial practices in the Late Bronze Age’, in ESC 102.

³⁷ McFadden, G. H., ‘A Late Cypriot III Tomb from Kourion Kaloriziki no. 40’, AJA 58 (1954), 131–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁸ Dikaios, P., ‘An Iron Age painted amphora in the Cyprus Museum’, BSA 37 (1936–1937), 56–72Google Scholar, pls. 7, 8a. Karageorghis, V. and des Gagniers, J., La Céramique chypriote de style figuré. Âge du fer (1050–500 av.J.-C.) (Rome, 1974), 6–9Google Scholar.

³⁹ KAD ii, figs. 43, 48–52, 57, pls. xxi, xxiii–xxv, xxviii. See also the range of White Slip vessels in M. R. Popham, ‘White Slip ware’, SCE iv.IC, fig. 55, many of which are from the Kalavasos region.

⁴⁰ Epstein, C., Palestinian Bichrome Ware (Leiden, 1966)Google Scholar, fig. 1: for distribution of ware.

⁴¹ Leonard (n. 2), 23–7.

⁴² Mountjoy, P. A.Mycenaean Pottery. An Introduction (Oxford, 1993). 73Google Scholar.

⁴³ E. S. Sherratt, pers. comm. Excavations at Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios, however, indicate that most Mycenaean pottery, or the greatest variety of shapes, is found in the élite administrative North-East Area: Russell, P.J., ‘The Pottery from the Late Cypriot II C Settlement at Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios, Cyprus: the 1979–1984 Excavations Seasons’, (unpublished PhD dissertation University of Pennsylvania, 1986, 81)Google Scholar; South and Russell (n. 5), 304. Particularly noteworthy is the deliberate deposition of Mycenaean drinking equipment in a latrine (A. 173) inside Building X: South (n. 6) 227–8; South and Russell (n. 5), 304–6. Also note that drinking-sets in bronze, or more exceptionally in gold or silver, were included in LC tomb groups, such as the gold cup which accompanied the famous Zeus krater in Enkomi Swedish tomb 17: SCE i, pls. lxxxvii.1 no. 61, cxlvii.11. There is definitely a change in fashion in LC II C III A, with a move towards depositing bronze vessels in tomb groups possibly, as the more readily available locally produced WPWM III ware ousted Mycenaean imports, this became a further means of social differentiation. By LC III A the hemispherical bronze bowl had become the funerary gift par excellence. Note for example the set of ten bronze bowls with a bronze jug with the LC II C burials in Enkomi Swedish tomb 18 (SCE i, pl. lxxxviii), the bronze drinking-set deposited with the LC III A burial in Hala Sultan Tekke tomb 23 (Niklasson, K., ‘Tomb 23. A shaft grave of the Late Cypriot III period’, in Åström, P. et al. , Hala Sultan Tekke 8. Excavations 1971–1979 (SIMA 45.8, Göteborg, 1983), figs. 488–90: N1220–2)Google Scholar, and the set of bronzes in Kouklia-Teratsoudhia tomb 104 chamber N, also of LC III A date (Karageorghis, V. et al. , Tombs at Palaepaphos. 1. Teratsoudhia, 2. Eliomylia (Nicosia, 1990) pls. xxiv, liv, nos. 66, 67, 69, 90)Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ A. Appadurai (n. 3), 38.

⁴⁵ Russell (n. 26), 4. See for example figs. 48–52.

⁴⁶ ibid. (n. 26), 3.

⁴⁷ S. Vaughan (1991), ‘Material and technical classification of Base Ring ware: a new fabric typology’, in Cypriot Ceramics 124.

⁴⁸ Russell (n. 43), 66, she notes that the shape would have been particularly suited for drinking wine as the sediment would have settled in the central cavity, leaving a clear liquid over the top.

⁴⁹ Arafat and Morgan (n. 3), 124.

⁵⁰ ibid. 113.

⁵¹ For example the Vapheio cup: Higgins, R., Minoan and Mycenaean Art (London 1980, 2nd edn.), ill. 180Google Scholar; or the fine series of decorated metal amphorae from the end of the Late Bronze Age on Cyprus, e.g. Palaepaphos-Teratsoudhia, tomb 104, V. Karageorghis (n. 43), pls. xxiv, liv, and Kourion, CBMW, pls 23–4.

⁵² Epstein (n. 40), 23–56, esp. 54.

⁵³ Steel, L., ‘Pictorial White Slip—the discovery of a new ceramic style in Cyprus’, in Laffineur, R. (ed.), Four Thousand Years of Images on Cypriot Pottery (Liège, in press)Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Cf discussion in Keswani (n. 12), 563–5.

⁵⁵ GGP, pls. 8a, 9a–b.

⁵⁶ e.g. krater 4460 from Ugarit: J.-C. Courtois, ‘Sur divers groupes de vases mycéniens en Mediterranée orientale (1250–1150)’, in Acts, figs. 2–3, pl. xxi.5; MPVP III. 26, v. 55, v. 60.

⁵⁷ Boxing: MPVP v. 14, 29, 32–36; running: Rystedt, E., ‘The foot-race and other athletic contests in the Mycenaean world. The evidence of the pictorial style vase’, Op. Ath. 16 (1986), 103–16Google Scholar, MPVP v. 28; horse-rider: MPVP v. 26; bull-leaping: MPVP iii. 31, v. 48, 50; Karageorghis, V., ‘Chronique des fouilles à Chypre en 1977’, BCH 102 (1978), 914, fig. 78Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Walters, H. B., ‘Excavations at Curium’, in Murray, A. S., Smith, A. H., and Walters, H. B., Excavations in Cyprus (London, 1900, repr 1970), 73, fig. 127Google Scholar, MPVP iii. 12.

⁵⁹ MPVP iii. 10.

⁶⁰ ibid. iii. 11.

⁶¹ Hommage krater (Aradippo): MPVP iii. 29; Kalavasos shrine krater: Steel, L., ‘Representations of a shrine on a Mycenaean chariot krater from Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios, Cyprus’, BSA 89 (1994), figs. 2, 4, pls 37–8Google Scholar.

⁶² MPVP V.27.

⁶³ Eriksson, K., Red Lustrous Wheel-made Ware (SIMA 103; Jonsered, 1993), 58Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Of particular note is the unusually high incidence of Red Lustrous vases from the wealthy tomb 11 at Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios, ibid. 44–5; Goring (n. 36), 102; South (n. 31), 318.

⁶⁵ e.g. White Slip spindle bottles: SCE ivv.IC, fig. 56.11; K-AD 82, KAD ii, fig. 43. Base Ring spindle bottles: e.g. K-AD 161, 1088, ibid. fig. 44. Base Ring flasks: e.g. K-AD 125, 1085, 1087; ibid. fig. 44.

⁶⁶ e.g. Kalavasos-Ayios Dhimitrios tomb 1 (K-AD 84, 1093), tomb 6 (K-AD 248, 249); KAD ii, figs. 45, 59.

⁶⁷ Eriksson (n. 58), 58, 139, 147, 149–53.146.