² On the impact of print in Muslim societies, see Robinson, Francis, ‘Technology and religious change: Islam and the impact of print’, Modern Asian Studies, 27, 1993, 229–251CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Metcalf, Barbara D., Islamic revival in British India: Deoband 1860–1900 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 198–234; Eickelman, Dale F. and Piscatori, James, Muslim politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), 37ff.Google Scholar; Eickelman, Dale F. and Anderson, Jon W., ‘Print, Islam, and the prospects for civic pluralism: new religious writings and their audiences’, Journal of Islamic Studies, 8, 1997, 43–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Khalid, Adeeb, ‘Printing, publishing, and reform in Tsarist Central Asia’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 26, 1994, 187–200CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Messick, Brinkley, The calligraphic state: textual domination and history in a Muslim society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 115–131.Google Scholar

³ cf. Metcalf, Islamic revival, passim.

⁴ Robinson, ‘Technology and religious change’, 245.

⁵ Eickelman, and Piscatori, , Muslim politics, 111; also cf. Robinson, ‘Technology and religious Change’.Google Scholar

⁶ On Deoband, see Metcalf, Islamic revival, passim; on other contemporary sectarian movements, ibid., 264–314. On the Barelawis, see Sanyal, Usha, Devotional Islam and politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and his movement, 1870–1920 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1996)Google Scholar; on the Ahl-I Hadith, see Nawshahrawī, Abū Yahyā Imām Khān, Tarājim-i ՙulamā-yi Ahl-I Ḥadīth-i Hind (Lahore: Riyad Brothers, n.d.).Google Scholar

⁷ Metcalf, , Islamic revival, 198–215Google Scholar. Cf. Mahdi, Muhsin, ‘From the manuscript age to the age of printed books’, in Atiyeh, George N. (ed.), The book in the Islamic world: the written word and communication in the Middle East (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1995), 6f.Google Scholar: ‘The state and the mystical fraternities seem to have been the initial sponsors of the printed book in secular and religious fields, respectively.’ Mahdi offers no evidence for this assertion, however.

⁸ Robinson, ‘Technology and religious change’, 233: ‘By the 1870s editions of the Quran, and other religious books, were selling in tens of thousands. In the last thirty years of the century, over seven hundred newspapers and magazines in Urdu were started. All who observed the world of printing noted how Muslims understood the power of the press. In Upper India at the beginning of the twentieth century 4,000–5,000 books were being published in Urdu every decade and there was a newspaper circulation of tens of thousands.’ Also cf. Metcalf, , Islamic revival, 198–234Google Scholar. On the cultural importance of Persian in India before its eclipse in the nineteenth century, see Francis Robinson, ‘Perso-Islamic culture in India from the seventeenth to the early twentieth century’, in Canfield, Robert L. (ed), Turko-Persia in historical perspective (Cambridge, 1991), 104–131.Google Scholar

⁹ Henderson, John B., Scripture, canon, and commentary: a comparison of Confucian and Western exegesis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); Messick, The calligraphic state.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹⁰ On al-Shawkānī, see Messick, , The calligraphic state, 42–45Google Scholar and index, s.v. Walī Allāh's most famous work is the Hujjat Allah al-Bāligha; see Hermansen, Marcia K. (tr.), The conclusive argument from God (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996).Google Scholar

¹¹ Metcalf, , Islamic revival, 278Google Scholar, speaks of the ‘elite style of the Ahl-I Hadīth [as] indicated by the fact that many continued to write in the learned languages of Persian and Arabic rather than in the vernacular of Urdu.’ However, as will be discussed later in this study, the scholars of the Deoband school, too, were often writing in the Arabic language.

¹² All dates are A.D., unless otherwise indicated. On Siddīq ฤasan Khān and his writings, see Nawshahrawī, , Tarājim, 277–312Google Scholar; Saeedullah, , The life and works of Muhammad Siddiq Hasan Khan, Nawwab of Bhopal (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1973Google Scholar); Salafi, Muhammad Mustaqīm, Jamaՙāt-i Ahl-i Hadīth Kī taṣnīfī Khidmāt (Banaras: Idārat al-buḤuth al-Islamiyya wa'l-da‘wa wa’liftā' bi'l-jāmi'a al-Salafiyya; 1992), 37–40.Google Scholar

¹³ See Hajar, Ibn, Fath al-bārī (Cairo, n.p., n.d. [1319–20 A.H.]), I, 2–4Google Scholar, for a history of the printing of this work. The first edition, supported by funds from the nawwab of Bhopal, was published from al-Matba'a al-Amīriyya, Būlāq (ibid., I, 2). Al-Shawkānl's Nayl al-awtār is a commentary on al-Muntaqa min ahādīth al-aḤkām of the Hanbalī scholar ‘Abd al-Salam b. Taymiyya (d. 1254).

¹⁴ Nawshahrawi, , Tarājim, 288–290.Google Scholar

¹⁵ ibid., 292f.

¹⁶ On al-Tirmidhī, see Sezgin, Fuat, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums [hereafter GAS], I (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967), 154–159.Google Scholar

¹⁷ For a list of his writings, see ՙAbd al-Samiՙ al-Mubārakfunrī, ‘Tarjamat al-mu'allif’, appended (with independent pagination) to Muhammad, ՙAbd al-Rahmān al-Mubarakfurī, Muqaddimat Tuhfat al-ahwadhī (Beirut: Dār al-kitāb al-ՙArabī), 8–11Google Scholar. The Tuhfa was first published at Delhi (Idārat al-Hakīm [4 vols.]) between 1927 and 1935; the second edition was published at Medina (al-Maktaba al-Salafiyya [10 vols.]) between 1963–67, and reprinted in 1406 A.H.; another edition was published at Damascus (Dār al-fikr [10 vols.]) in 1979, and yet another at Beirut (Dar al-kitāb al-'Arabī) in 1404 A.H. Cf. Salafī, Mustaqīm, Tasrnīfi khidmāt, 53Google Scholar; ՙAtiyya, Muhy al-Dīn and Hafanī, Sal¯h al-Din, Datlil muՙ allafat al-hadīth al-sharīf al-maịbū'a al-qadima wa'l-hadītha (Beirut: Dār Ibn Ḥazm, 1995), i, 291fGoogle Scholar. Neither of the last works provides complete publication history, however.

¹⁸ ‘Tarjamat al-mu'allif’, in Muqaddimat Tuhfat al-aḥwadhi, 3 5.

¹⁹ See GAS, I, 149 52.

²⁰ Sayyid Abū '1-Ḥasan ՙAlī Nadwī, ‘Taqdīm al-kitāb’, in al-Sahāranfūrī, Khalīl Ahmad, Badhl al-majhūd fī ḥall Abī Dāwūd (Beirut: Dar al-kutub al-ՙilmiyya, n.d.), I, 15f.Google Scholar

²¹ On this controversy, see Ta'rikh-i Maz¯hir, 2 vols.: Vol. I by Muhammad Zakariyyā Vol. II, by Muḥ;ammad II, by Muḥammad Shāhid Sahāranpurī (Sahāranpur: Kutub khāna-yi isliāՙat al-ՙulūm, 1972–74), II, 86–90.

²² Leitner, G. W., History of indigenous education in the Panjab since annexation and in 1882 (Delhi: Languages Department, Punjab, 1971Google Scholar; first published in 1883), vi, vii. (Leitner was the first principal of the Lahore Government College [established in 1864] and the founder of the Anjuman-i Punjab.) That Arabic was regarded as the language of the Muslim religious elite, not just of the madrasa, is suggested by the fact that Leitner founded a weekly ‘Arabic journal for the Maulvis' just as he did one in Sanskrit ‘for the Pandits’. Ibid., vii.

²³ Education Commission, Report by the Punjab Provincial Committee (Calcutta: Superintendent of Government Printing, 1884), 4.Google Scholar

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²⁶ Ta'rīkh-i Nadwat al-ՙUlamā', I, 148.

²⁷ The second edition of the Badhl al-majhūd was published in part (six of the 20 volumes of this edition) by the Nadwat al-ՙUlamā', Lucknow, India, in 1392/1972, and the remaining 14 volumes were published from Egypt (various publishers, 1393/19731 reprinted, Cairo: Dar al-Rayyān, 14081); other editions have been published in Riyad (Dār al-Liwā, n.d. [early 1390s/1970s]) and Beirut (Dār al-kitāb al-ՙilmiyya, n.d. [1390s/1970s]). See ՙAtiyya, et al. , Muՙallafāt al-Hadīth, i, 298Google Scholar; Taq1 al-Dīn Nadwl Muzahirī, ‘Ḥaḍrat Shaykh al-Hadīth [Muhammad Zakariyyā] awr ՙilm-i Ḥaḍīth’, al-Furqān (Lucknow), 50 (September-December, 1982), 243f.; Zubayr Aḥmad al-Fārūqī, Musāhamat Dār al-YUlūm bi-Diyuband fī 'l-adab al-YArabī (Delhi: Dār al-Fārūqī li'lṭibā ՙa wa'l-nashr, 1990), 211.

²⁸ Gonzalez-Quijano, Yves, ‘Crise du livre ou nouvelles pratiques culturelles? Éditeurs et édition dans l'Égypte contemporaine’, Bulletin du CEDEJ, 25 (1989Google Scholar; special issue on ‘Le livre arabe et l'édition en Egypte”), 91 109, on p. 106. Also cf. Eickelman, and Piscatori, , Muslim politics, 40.Google Scholar

²⁹ On Nadwī, see Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, ‘Arabic, the Arab Middle East and the definition of Muslim identity in twentieth century India’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, series 3, vol. 8/1 1998, 59–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³⁰ On the Rabitat al-ՙĀlam al-Islamī, see Schulze, Reinhard, Islamischer Internationalismus im 20. Jahrhundert: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der islamischen Weltliga (Leiden: 1990).Google Scholar

³¹ Nadwī, , Kārwān-i zindagī, 1983–1994), II, 330–333.Google Scholar

³² For an early instance of Saudī financial assistance for the Nadwa, see Ta'rīkh-i Nadwa, II, 438.

³³ Nadwī, , Kārwān-i zindagī, 1, 265Google Scholar. Writing in 1983, Nadwī noted that his Mādhā khasira'lՙ ālam bi'l-inhitāt al-muslimin (first published in 1950) had been published until then in at least 15 editions from Egypt, Syria and Lebanon. Ibid., I, 265.

³⁴ Ahmad, Khalīl, Badhl al-majhud (Sahāranpur: al-Maktaba al-Yaḥyawiyya, n.d.), v, 88f.Google Scholar

³⁵ Nadwī, , ‘Taqdlmal-kitāb’, in Badhl al-majhūd (Beirut, ed.), i, 18, 15.Google Scholar

³⁶ Lāmiՙ al-darārī ՙaid jāmi’ al-Bukhārī, 2 vols. (Sahāranpur: al-Maktaba al-Yaḥyawiyya, Mazahir al-ՙulum, Sahāranpur, 1379/1959); another edition, in 10 volumes: Mecca: al-Maktaba al-Imdādiyya, 1395–98). On the latter edition, cf. ‘Atlyya, Dalīl muՙallafāt, 287f.

³⁷ al-Kawkab al-durī ՙala Jāmiՙ al-Tirmidhī, compiled by Kandahlawi, Muhammad Yaḥyā; with glosses by Muhammad Zakariyyā Kandahlawī, first ed., 2 vols. (Sahāranpur: al-Maktaba al-YaḤyawiyya, 1933–1935)Google Scholar; second ed. (with an introduction (taqdīm) by Abu ‘l-Hasan ‘Alī Nadwī), 3 vols. (Karachi: Idarat al-Qur'an wa'l-ՙulūm al-Islamiyya, 1987).

³⁸ The writing down of the master's lectures is, of course, a long-standing tradition in (and outside) the madrasa. For this aspect of medieval Islamic higher learning, see Makdisi, George, The rise of Colleges (Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press, 1981), 111–128Google Scholar; also see Messick, , Calligraphic stale, ch. i, esp. 30–36Google Scholar. Note, however, that the form and function of the lecture notes differed from one discipline to another, as indeed one would expect. Yet, pace Makdisi, ՙthe atmosphere of a classroom on hadith' need not have ‘differed dramatically from that of a classroom on law’ (ibid., 115), for the former was not concerned solely with the dictation of ḥadīth, as Makdisi suggests, but also with discussions on the contents of hadīlh and the juristic and theological problems raised by these. In such circumstances, indeed, the distinction between a discussion on ḥadith and one on law might even tend to blur. And many students might well be expected not just to write the Prophetic traditions dictated to them by the master, but also, especially in the milieu of the madrasa, some of the master's discussion on ḥadīth.

³⁹ The first tradition occurs in the Sunan of al-Bayhaqī (d. 458/1066), the latter is from the Jāmiՙ of al-Tirmidhī. For the latter tradition, cf. Wensinck, A. J. et al. , Concordances et indices de la tradition musulmane (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1934–1969), VI, 241 (s.v. m-ṭ-r).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ The inner side of the title page is devoted to a short biographical sketch, really a eulogy, of the glossator, Muḥammad Zakariyyā, written by Abū ՚1-Hasan ՙAlī Nadwī. Then follows the ‘Muqaddima’, which is written by Muḥammad Zakariyyā.

⁴¹ See Fadel, Mohammad, ‘Ibn Hajar's Hady al-sārī: a medieval interpretation of the structure of al-Bukhārī's al-Jāmiՙ al-Sahīh: introduction and translation’, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 54/3, 1995, 161–197CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The exegetical assumptions and strategies discussed by Zakariyyā in his Muqaddima are, of course, standard fare not just in Ibn Ḥajar's introduction to his commentary, but in commentaries across major religious traditions. Cf. Henderson, Scripture, canon, and commentary, 106: One of the ‘most common commentarial assumption[s] regarding the character of canons in most traditions is that they are well ordered and coherent, arranged according to some logical, cosmological, or pedagogical principles.’ For more on this and other commentarial assumptions, see ibid., especially 89–199.

⁴² Mitchell, Timothy, Colonising Egypt (Berkeley: University of California Press; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 150–154Google Scholar; Robinson, , ‘Technology and religious change’, 242.Google Scholar

⁴³ cf. Bayyināt (Karachi: Jāmiՙat al-ՙulūm al-Islāmiyya, January-February 1978 [special issue dedicated to the memory of Muḥammad Yūsuf Banūri]), 26fGoogle Scholar. On Anwarshāh, see Masՙudī, Anzar Shāh, Naqsh-i dawām (Deoband: Shāh Book Depot, n.d. [first published c. 1398 A.H.]Google Scholar; ‘Abd al-Fattāḥ Abū Ghudda, Tarājim sitta min fuqaha’ al-ՙālam al-islāmī fī 'l-qarn al-rībi ՙashar waāṭharuhum al-fiqhiyya (Beirut: al-Maktab al-matbūՙāt al-islāmiyya bi-Halab, 1997), 13–81.

⁴⁴ cf. Ahmad, Shabbīr ‘Uthmīnī, ‘Kalima li-muḥaqqiq al-ՙasr al-ustādh al-muḥaddith al-shaykh Shabbīr Ahmad al-‘Uthmānī’, appended to Banūrī's ‘Muqaddima’, in Fayḍ al-bārāī (Lahore: al-Matba'a al-Islamiyya al-Saՙūdiyya, 1978), I, 80.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ [Muhammad Yūsuf Banurī], ‘Muqaddima’, in Fayḍ al-bārī, I, 12–78.

⁴⁶ [Banurī], ‘Muqaddima’ in Fayḍ al-bārī, I, 16.

⁴⁷ al-Bukhīrī, , al-Jdmiՙ al-Sahīh, ed. Krehl, L. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1862–1908), I, ‘Kitāb al-‘ilm’, 40.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Hajar, Ibn, Fath al-bīrī, I, 143–147Google Scholar. Cf. Juynboll, G. H. A., Muslim tradition: studies in chronology, provenance and authorship of early ՙadith (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 96–133.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁴⁹ Nor does either Rashld Ahmad in the Lāmi՚ or Muḥammad Zakariyya, the Lāmiՙ's glossator: see Lāmiՙ, I, 57.

⁵⁰ Kashmiri, , Fayḍ al-bārī, I, 203f.Google Scholar

⁵¹ ibid., I, 206.

⁵² cf. ibid., I, 206.

⁵³ cf. Metcalf, Islamic revival, index, s.v. ‘dreams’.

⁵⁴ Ibn Ḥajar, FatḤ al-bārī, I, 149f.; also cf. Ahmad, Rashīd, Lāmāՙ, 1, 59Google Scholar (for MuḤammad Zakariyyā, the glossator's denial that anyone could really have prevented the Prophet from having his testament written down if that is what he had really intended). For a brief discussion of this tradition and its variants, see Powers, David, Studies in Qur'an and hadīth: the formation of the Islamic law of inheritance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 114–117Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ This topos did not, however, go unchallenged in medieval Islam: cf. Khalidi, Tarif, Arabic historical thought in the classical period (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 97ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. for debates on the ‘Ancients’ and the ‘Moderns’; also cf. ibid., 221f.

⁵⁶ ‘Alī Nadwī, Sayyid Abū ՚l-Hasan, Insānī dunyd par musalmānon ke ՙurūj wa zawāl kā alhar (revised and expanded Urdu translation of Mādhā khasira'l-ՙālam), 5th ed. (Lucknow: Majlis-itahqīqāt wa nashriyyāt-i Islām, 1966), 224–225Google Scholar, and cf. ibid., 342–52; great Muslim rulers of later Middle Ages are likewise all Indian: see ibid., 368–81.

⁵⁷ ՙAlī Nadwī, Sayyid Abū ՚l-Hasan, al-Islām wa'l-mustashriqūn (Lucknow, n.d. [c. 1983]), 33–35Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ YAlī Nadwī, Abu ՚l-Hasan, ‘Taqdīm al-kitāb’, in Badhl al-majhud (Sahāranpur: al-Maktaba al-Yaḥyawiyya, n.d,), I, 12Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Badhl al-majhud, II, unnumbered page following the title page.

⁶⁰ On the Indian Muslims of South Africa, see Tayob, Abdulkader, Islamic resurgence in South Africa: the Muslim Youth Movement (Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press, 1995), 54–77Google Scholar.

⁶¹ ՙUthmānī, Mu՚ammad Taqī, Jahdn-i dīda (Karachi: Idārat al-ma'ārif, 1996), 541–572Google Scholar.

⁶² The reason for the b ad sales of the first edition of the Badhl al-majhud was attributed by Muhammad Zakariyya to inefficient business techniques, though it is very unlikely that this was all there was to it. See Ta'rīkh-i Mazāhir, II, 87f.

⁶³ Iskandar, ՙAbd al-Razzāq, ‘Hadrat-i Shaykh awr bilād-i ‘Arabiyya’, in Bayyindt January-February, 1978, 551–555Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Muhammad Yūsuf Banurī, Nafhat al-ՙanbar. This work was not available to the author. Banurī, who—after being associated with the madrasas of Deoband and t he JāmiY a Islāmiyya of Dabhel eventually settled, after the creation of Pakistan, in Karachi and founded a major madrasa (also named Jamiՙa Islāmiyya) in that city—is also the author of a large commentary, the Maՙarif al-sunan. Published in six volumes, but still incomplete at the time of Banürī's death in 1978, this Arabic commentary is based on the lectures of Anwarshah Kashmiri on al-Tirmidhī's Jāmiՙ. While a work such as the Fayd al-bārī is a largely a record of Anwarshāh's own lectures, the Maՙārif al-sunan'srelationship to the master is very much more tenuous, in that it is largely the work of Banurī himself. Even so, it is the memory (and ‘presence’) of the master that even this work continues to celebrate.

⁶⁵ Robinson, , ‘Technology and religious change’, 243Google Scholar. Robinson seems to be thinking primarily of the role of newspapers here. Also cf. Sanyal, , Devotional Islam, 87Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Fatḥ al-mulhim bi-sharḥ ṣaḥīḥ Muslim (Karachi: Maktaba-i Dīr al-ՙUlum, 1989), I, 1Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ ՙUthmānī, Muḥammad Taqī, Takmilat fatḥ al-mulhim, 3 vols. (Karachi: Maktabat Dār al-ՙUlum, 1407)Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ The Syrian scholar is ‘Abd al-Fattāḥ Abū Ghudda (d. 1997), one of the leaders of the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, who after being exiled from Syria taught at the Imam Muḥammad ibn Saՙūd University in Riyadh for more than two decades. Abū Ghudda maintained especially close ties with Indian and Pakistani scholars, and was instrumental in the publication, in the Middle East, of several works by South Asian scholars. His death in 1997 was widely mourned in Pakistan's religious circles.

⁶⁹ Muḥammad Taqī ՙUthmānī, Dars-i Tirmidhī, ed. and comp. Rashīd Ashraf Sayfī (Karachi: Maktabat al-rushd, 1414 A.H.), I, 12–13, paraphrased in translation.

⁷⁰ Figures based on: Ahmad, Hāfidh Nadhr, Jāՙiza-yi madāris-i ՙarabiyya-i maghribī Pākistān (Lahore: Muslim Academy, 1972), 695Google Scholar; Report (1979), 198; Zindagi (Lahore), 17 February 1995, 39.

⁷¹ Muhammad ‘Abd al-Qawī Pīr Qādirī, Miftāh al-najah, I (first ed. Multan: 1405; 22ndth reprint, Multan: 1417); II (Multan: Maktaba-yi Dār al-ՙUlūm, 1417). The author seems to have given in to the demand for the work by publishing his vol. n even before it was complete: see Miftāḥ al-najāh, n, 9; for a list of locations where this book is said to be available, see ibid., II, 2.

⁷² Eickelman, and Piscatori, , Muslim politics, 43f., 180Google Scholar. The quotation is from p. 43.

⁷³ On this work, see Adams, Charles J., ‘Abüՙl-A ՙlā Mawdūdī's Tafhīm al-QurYān’, in Rippin, Andrew (ed.), Approaches to the history of the interpretation of the Qur'an (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), 307–323Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ Jansen, Johannes J. G., The dual nature of Islamic fundamentalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), 51Google Scholar. On the large sales of Qutb's writings, cf. Gonzalez-Quijano, ‘Crise du livre’, 102.

⁷⁵ cf. Kepel, Gilles, Muslim extremism in Egypt, transl. Rothschild, Jon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), 58Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ On this collection, see Metcalf, , ‘Living hadīth in the Tablīghī Jamā ՙat’, Journal of Asian Studies, 52, 1993, 584–608CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on the Tablīghī Jamā'at, see, in addition to Metcalf, Ahmad, Mumtaz, ‘Islamic Fundamentalism in South Asia: The Jamaat-i-Islami and the Tablighi Jamaat of South Asia’, in Marty, Martin E. and Appleby, R. Scott (ed.), Fundamentalisms observed (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 510–524Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Most of the traditions which are the subject of this commentary are drawn from the Mishkat al-masābīh, an 8th/14th-century collection of ḥadīth, though it is noteworthy that Nuՙmānī has reorganized them according to his own preferences thus making it a new anthology. The commentary is explicitly said to be intended for ‘ordinary educated, Urdu-reading Muslims’: Nu'mānī, Muhammad Manzur, Maՙarif al-ḥadith, I (Lucknow: Kutub khana-i al-furqān, n.d. [1954]), 11Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Nuՙmänï, Muḥammad ManẒür, Isläm kyä hai (Lahore: Maktaba-yi madaniyya, n.d.), 7–8Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ ibid., 11.

⁸⁰ Eickelman, and Piscatori, , Muslim politics, 38Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Eisenstein, Elizabeth, The printing press as an agent of change: communications and cultural transformation in early-modern Europe, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), I, 310, and 303–450Google Scholar; also cited in Bell, Catherine, ‘“A precious raft to save the world”: the interaction of scriptural traditions and printing in a Chinese morality book’, Late Imperial China, 17/1, 1996; 160CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Bell, too, expresses reservations about the applicability of ‘the European experience’ to other societies and cultures: see ibid., 158–200.

⁸² Metcalf, , ‘Living hadīth’, 603Google Scholar.

⁸³ Aḥmad, , ‘Islamic fundamentalism in South Asia’, 516Google Scholar; cf. Metcalf, , ‘Living hadīth’, 596, 599Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Anderson, Benedict, Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism London: Verso, 1991)Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Muhammad Qasim Zaman, Religious education, social change, and the roots of Islamic radicalism, in preparation.