¹ de los Ríos, Rodrigo Amador, Trofeos militares de la Reconquista: estudio acerca de las enseñas musulmanas del real Monasterio de las Huelgas (Burgos) y de la catedral de Toledo (Madrid, 1893)Google Scholar. For an analysis of the banner as Marinid, see Ali-de-Unzaga, Miriam, “Qurʾanic inscriptions on the so-called ‘Pennon of Las Navas de Tolosa’ and three Marinid banners”, in Suleman, Fahmida (ed.), Word of God, Art of Man: The Qurʾan and its Creative Expressions (Oxford, 2007), 239–70Google Scholar.

² Smith, Damián J., “‘Soli Hispani’? Innocent III and Las Navas de Tolosa”, Hispania Sacra 51/104, 1999, 487–513CrossRefGoogle Scholar (esp. 510).

³ In analysing other Catholic institutions’ Arabic inscriptions, recent scholarship has shifted away from such a polarizing analytical lens. Rather, more nuanced approaches have been explored, highlighting religious and cultural interactions and focusing on themes such as patronage, artisanship, ritual and monastic topography and readership. No thirteenth-century document reveals the artists’ identity. Later documents clearly indicate active Muslim artisans, especially carpenters and construction workers, living in designated morerías (Muslim quarters) who were engaged in royal works in Burgos. The earliest document mentioning Muslims living in Las Huelgas for maintenance work is a 1304 decree, in which King Fernando IV ordered 12 “moros forros” (free Muslims) to reside in Las Huelgas and in the Hospital del Rey. Scholars have therefore assumed that Muslims living in Las Huelgas in 1304 was a continuation of an ongoing tradition. Garrido, José Manuel Lizoain et al., Documentación del monasterio de las Huelgas de Burgos (1284–1306) (Burgos, 1987), 281–2Google Scholar, no. 168.

⁴ I should also note that my consideration of mystical or Sufi literature and ritual is quite limited. Study of the intersection of Christianity and Sufism or the mechanisms by which Islamic mystical knowledge reached Castile remains outside of the scope of this article and deserves separate investigation.

⁵ José Manuel Lizoain Garrido, Documentación del monasterio de las Huelgas de Burgos (1116–1230) (Burgos, 1985), 19–23, no. 11.

⁶ Lizoain Garrido, Documentación (1116–1230), 92–4, no. 52.

⁷ See Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Monasterio y Palacio del Rey”, in Joaquín Yarza Luces and Matteo Mancini (eds), Vestiduras ricas: El monasterio de las Huelgas y su época (1170–1340) (Madrid, 2005), 35–50; James D'Emilio, “The royal convent of Las Huelgas: dynastic politics, religious reform and artistic change in medieval Castile”, in Meredith Parsons Lillich (ed.), Studies in Cistercian Art and Architecture: Cistercian Nuns and Their World (Collegeville, 2005), 6, 191–282; Juan Carlos Ruiz Souza and Gema Palomo Fernández, “Nueva hipótesis sobre las Huelgas de Burgos: escenografía funeraria de Alfonso X para un proyecto inacabado de Alfonso VIII y Leonor Plantagenêt”, Goya: Revista de arte 316–317, 2007, 21–44.

⁸ Although the textiles are mostly attributed to al-Andalus, technical and material analyses have yet to be conducted. See Laura Rodríguez Peinado and Ana Cabrera (eds), La investigación textil y los nuevos métodos de estudio (Madrid, 2014).

⁹ Carrero cites the fourteenth-century codex Quatro órdenes del áureo número e otros tractados e cerimonias que pertenesçen a la orden de Çistel, Archivo de Santa María la Real de Las Huelgas de Burgos, ms. 6, f. LXXIX v: “the actions to be taken by the infirmarer upon the death of one of the sisters indicate that, from the infirmary, the infirmarer was to notify the other nuns by beating on a board por la claustra nueva (by the new cloister)”. Eduardo Carrero, “The creation and use of space in the Abbey of Santa María la Real de Las Huelgas, Burgos: architecture, liturgy, and paraliturgy in a female Cistercian monastery”, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 6/2, 2014, 169–91 (esp. 175, 181).

¹⁰ Ameijeiras, Rocío Sánchez, “El ‘çementerio real’ de Alfonso VIII en Las Huelgas de Burgos”, Sémata 10, 1998, 77–109Google Scholar.

¹¹ Leopoldo Torres Balbás, “Las yeserías descubiertas recientemente en Las Huelgas de Burgos”, Al-Andalus VIII, 1943, 54; Manuel Gómez Moreno, El Panteón Real de Las Huelgas de Burgos (Madrid, 1946), 14.

¹² José Manuel Lizoain Garrido, Documentación del monasterio de las Huelgas de Burgos (1263–1283) (Burgos, 1987), 112–13, no. 596; Rocío Sánchez Ameijeiras, “La memoria de un rey victorioso: Los sepulcros de Alfonso VIII y la fiesta del triunfo de la Santa Cruz”, in Barbara Borngässer et al. (eds), Grabkunst und Sepulkralkultur in Spanien und Portugal (Frankfurt, 2006), 289–316.

¹³ José Manuel Lizoain Garrido et al., Documentación del Monasterio de Las Huelgas de Burgos (1231–1262) (Burgos, 1985), 298, no. 480. On the stucco decoration, see Torres Balbás, “Las yeserías”, 209–54; María Teresa Pérez Higuera, “El primer mudéjar castellano: Casas y Palacios”, in Casas y Palacios de al-Andalus (Barcelona, 1995), 303–14; Rosario Mazuela, “Las huellas musulmanas en Las Huelgas, Burgos”, Reales Sitios: Revista del Patrimonio Nacional 92, 1987, 37–44.

¹⁴ María Jesús Gómez Bárcena, “El Panteón Real de las Huelgas de Burgos”, in Vestiduras ricas, 52; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Despesas fazen los omnes de muchas guisas en soterrar los muertos”, Fragmentos 2, 1984, 4–19.

¹⁵ For Andalusī objects commissioned for Christian liturgy, see Glaire Anderson, “Sign of the cross: contexts for the ivory cross of San Millán de la Cogolla”, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 6/1, 2014, 15–41; Noelia Silva Santa-Cruz, “Un ejemplo excepcional de marfil pintado nazarí: la arqueta del rey de Aragón Don Martín el Humano”, Anales de Historia del Arte 20, 2010, 29–49.

¹⁶ See Francisco Prado-Vilar, “Circular visions of fertility and punishment: caliphal ivory caskets from al-Andalus”, Muqarnas 14, 1997, 21; Avinoam Shalem, “From royal caskets to relic containers: two ivory caskets from Burgos and Madrid”, Muqarnas 12, 1995, 28–30.

¹⁷ Salma Khadra Jayyusi, “Nature poetry in al-Andalus and the rise of Ibn Khafāja”, in The Legacy of Muslim Spain (Leiden, 1992), 367–97. For al-rawḍiyyāt poetry, see, for example, Muḥammad b. al-Ḥasan b. al-Kattānī (d. 1029), al-Tashbīhāt min Ashʿār ahl al-Andalus (Beirut, 1981); Abū al-Walīd al-Ḥimyarī al-Ishbīlī (d. 1048), al-Badīʿ fī Waṣf al-Rabīʿ (Jadda, 1987).

¹⁸ Andalusī funerary rituals followed two Mālikī treatises that underscored adʿiya as central to prayer over the dead. Abū Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh b. Abī Zayd al-Qayrawānī (d. 996), Risāla fī al-Fiqh (Cairo, 2010), 78–80; Abū al-Qāsim ʿUbayd Allāh b. al-Jallāb al-Baṣrī (d. 1007), Kitāb al-Tafrīʿ fī al-Fiqh (Beirut, 1987), I, 367–74; Ana Echevarría, “Islamic confraternities and funerary practices: hallmarks of Mudéjar identity in the Iberian Peninsula?”, Al-Masaq: Islam and the Medieval Mediterranean 25/3 (2013), 353–4. For an analysis of the use of Arabic supplications in funerary projects in Christian Castile and al-Andalus, see Razan Francis, “Islamic supplications in the funerary architecture of medieval Castile”, in Inscriptions of the Medieval Islamic World (Edinburgh, 2023), 173–206.

¹⁹ Francis, “Islamic supplications”, 200–06. Among the Museo de Málaga's acquisitions are various tombstones that feature Arabic supplications. See Manuel Acien Almansa and María Antonia Martínez Nuñez, Catálogo de las inscripciones árabes del museo de Málaga (Madrid, 1982), 56–9.

²⁰ This resemblance may have been seen in the monastic tradition of covering cloisters’ walls with textiles for important ceremonial processions. Alfonso X may have commissioned the stucco designs to form a theatrical backdrop for the 1279 transfer of the royal sarcophagi to the church. See Ruiz Souza and Palomo Fernández, “Nueva hipótesis”, 36.

²¹ On the funerary textiles, see Concha Herrero Carretero, Museo de Telas Medievales: Monasterio de Santa María la Real de Huelgas (Madrid, 1988); Amalia Descalzo Lorenzo, “Les Vêtements Royaux su monastère Santa María la Real de Huelgas”, in Rainer C. Schwinges and Regula Schorta (eds), Fashion and Clothing in Late Medieval Europe. Mode und Kleidung in Europa des späten Mittelalters (Riggisberg; Basel, 2010), 97–106; Patricia Blessing, “Weaving on the wall: architecture and textiles in the monastery of Las Huelgas in Burgos”, Studies in Iconography 40, 2019, 137–82; Kristin Böse, “Beyond foreign: textiles from the Castilian royal tombs in Santa María de las Huelgas in Burgos”, in Juliane von Fircks and Regula Schorta (eds), Oriental Silks in Medieval Europe (Riggisberg, 2016), 213–30; María Barrigón, “La cultura de las ricas telas en época de Alfonso VIII: proyección del lujo, del estatus y de la imagen”, in Marta Poza Yagüe and Diana Olivares Martínes (eds), Alfonso VIII y Leonor de Inglaterra: confluencias artísticas en el entorno de 1200 (Madrid, 2018), 149–73.

²² The majority of the textiles may have been made specifically for burial. See Karel Otavsky, “Gewebe aus Ägypten, Persien und Mesopotamien, Spanien und Nordafrika”, in Muḥammad ʿAbbās Muḥammad Salīm and Karel Otavsky (eds), Mittelalterliche Textilien I: Ägypten, Persien und Mesopotamien, Spanien und Nordafrika (Riggisberg, 2016), 163. On the circulation of Andalusī textiles wrapping around saints’ relics as part of the paria (tribute) paid by Ṭāʾifa Muslims to maintain peace with Christians, see Mariam Rosser-Owen, “Islamic objects in Christian contexts: relic translation and modes of transfer in medieval Iberia”, Art in Translation 7/1, 2015, 39–64. Andalusī textiles shaped regal Castilian identity and aided the display of sovereignty and legitimacy that paralleled royal Andalusī trends. See Manuela Marín, Tejer y vestir: de la antigüedad al Islam (Madrid, 2001), 146; María Judith Feliciano, “Muslim shrouds for Christian kings? A reassessment of Andalusi textiles in thirteenth-century Castilian life and ritual”, in Cynthia Robinson and Leyla Rouhi (eds), Under the Influence: Questioning the Comparative in Medieval Castile (Leiden, 2004), 101–32.

²³ Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Maqqarī al-Tilimsānī, Nafḥ al-Ṭīb min Ghuṣn al-Andalus al-Raṭīb, (eds) M. Ṭawīl et al. (Beirut, 2011), I, 166.

²⁴ El Escorial, Royal Library of the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, MS 381.

²⁵ Al-Maqqarī, Nafḥ al-Ṭīb, I, 234–5. In the original story by Ibn Khallikān, this conversation takes place at the majlis (congregation) of scholar Abū Ṭāhir al-Silafī (b. Isfahan, c. 1062). Aḥmad b. Muḥammad Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-Aʿyān, (ed.) Iḥsān ʿAbbās (Beirut, 1977), V, 323.

²⁶ Al-Maqqarī, Nafḥ al-Ṭīb, I, 235; Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-Aʿyān, V, 323.

²⁷ Ibn Saʿīd al-Andalusī (d. 1286), for example, includes a chapter titled ‘al-maghrib al-awsaṭ min jazīrat al-Andalus’ (The mid-West of al-Andalus island). See Rāyāt al-Mubarrizīn wa-Ghāyāt al-Mumayyazīn (Damascus, 1987), 109. Ibn Saʿīd's contemporaries in the East (Cairo, Aleppo, Damascus and Baghdad) referred to him as “al-Maghribī” because he was a native of al-Andalus, who was born in Almería and died in Toledo.

²⁸ Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-Aʿyān, V, 324.

²⁹ Katja Föllmer, “Beyond paradise: the mystical path to God and the concept of martyrdom in ʿAṭṭār's Conference of the Birds”, in Sebastian Günther et al. (eds), in Roads to Paradise: Eschatology and Concepts of the Hereafter in Islam (Leiden, 2017), II, 579–602.

³⁰ Examples from Burgos include the apse and chancel of the seventh-century Ermita de Santa María at Quintanilla de la Viñas and the portal of the church of San Pedro Miñón de Santibáñez (twelfth/thirteenth century).

³¹ “Opus Salomonis era T X”, inscribed on the peacock's front, has been interpreted as the year 1010 (or 972 of the Christian era). “Salomonis” could allude to the maker's name or to King Solomon's ability to speak the language of the birds. Alternatively, “ʿAbd al-Malik” may have substituted for the Latin Servus Domini (servant of the Lord). See José Miguel Puerta Vílchez, “Qurtuba's monumentality and artistic significance”, in Reflections on Qurtuba in the 21st Century (Madrid, 2013), 51. “Opus Salomonis” may have evoked the Temple of Solomon's decoration and working technique. See Allegra Iafrate, “Opus Salomonis: sorting out Solomon's scattered treasure”, Medieval Encounters 22, 2016, 326–78.

³² Rudolph Conrad, Violence and Daily Life: Reading, Art, and Polemics in the Cîteaux Moralia in Job (Princeton, 1997), 5.

³³ On Las Huelgas's impressive library of illuminated manuscripts, see John Williams, Visions of the End in Medieval Spain: Catalogue of Illustrated Beatus Commentaries on the Apocalypse and Study of the Geneva Beatus (Amsterdam, 2017), 135.

³⁴ The peacock carved on the al-Mughīra casket stands frontally; its body, however, resembles that of an eagle, similar to the two frontal peacocks from the Berthold Sacramentary. The Morgan Library, New York, MS M.710 fol. 126r, c. 1215–17.

³⁵ Ramón Menéndez Pidal (ed.), Primera crónica general (Madrid, 1906), I, §558, 311: “Pues esta Espanna que dezimos tal es como el parayso de Dios”. Henri Pérès, La Poésie andalouse en Arabe classique au 11e siècle: ses aspects généraux et sa valeur documentaire (Paris, 1937), 117.

³⁶ The Arabic and aljamiado stucco inscriptions of the Casa de Conde in Toledo, dated to the fifteenth century, underscore the relationship of the Virgin Mary to Jesus Christ; however, contrary to Las Huelgas, the name ʿĪsā, not ‘al-Masīḥ’, is used. See Rodrigo Amador de los Ríos y Villalta, “La casa del Conde Esteban de Toledo”, Boletín de la Sociedad Española de Excursiones 35, 1896, 205–12; Rodrigo Amador de los Ríos y Villalta, Monumentos Arquitectónicos de España. Toledo (Madrid, 1905), I, 391–5.

³⁷ Manuel Ocaña Jiménez, “Panorámica sobre el arte almohade en España”, Cuadernos de la Alhambra 26, 1990, 91–111. See a similar argument in Julie Marquer, “Epigrafía y poder: el uso de las inscripciones árabes en el proyecto propagandístico de Pedro I de Castilla (1350–1369)”, e-Spania 13, 2012, paragraph 32.

³⁸ John Victor Tolan, Saint Francis and the Sultan: The Curious History of a Christian-Muslim Encounter (Oxford, 2009); John Victor Tolan, Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination (New York, 2002).

³⁹ These two verses were available in al-Andalus from the tenth century in Arabic translations made from Latin. See fol. 104 of the twelfth-century Gospel of John in MS 4971, Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid.

⁴⁰ Abū Ḥayyān refers to Franciscan and Dominican missionaries who relied on Quranic texts to attack Muḥammad. He further contested this “sacrilegious” argument concerning Jesus's deification by showing how it largely stemmed from a philological confusion: in Arabic, “spirit” meant an “inspiration” (or revelation, waḥy) that was “imparted by God to angel Gabriel”, who blew into Mary and brought about her conception. He attacked the Sufis – particularly Ibn ʿArabī – for adopting Christian views on Jesus's divinity. Abū Ḥayyān al-Andalusī, Tafsīr al-Baḥr al-Muḥīṭ, ed. ʿĀdil ʿAbd al-Mawjūd et al. (Beirut, 1993), III, 417, 464–5. For Ibn ʿArabī's interpretation of “Jesus is the spirit of God”, Jesus's divine “image” (ṣūra ilāhiyya) and his ability to raise the dead, see Ibn ʿArabī, Fuṣūṣ al-Ḥikam, (ed.) Abū al-ʿIlā ʿAfīfī (Beirut, 1980), 138–50.

⁴¹ Sophia Vasalou, Moral Agents and Their Deserts: The Character of Muʿtazilite Ethics (Princeton, 2008), 1–11; Nader Bizri, “God: essence and attributes”, in Tim Winter (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Classical Islamic Theology (Cambridge, 2008), 121–40; Wilferd Madelung, “The origins of the controversy regarding the creation of the Koran”, in Religious Schools and Sects in Medieval Islam (London, 1985), 504–25.

⁴² Taqī al-Dīn Aḥmad b. ʿAbd al- Ḥalīm Ibn Taymiyya, Taḥqīq al-Qawl fī Masʾalat ʿĪsā Kalmiat Allāh wa'l-Qurʾan Kalām Allāh (Ṭanṭā, 1992), 23–70; Ibn Taymiyya, Al-Jawāb al-Ṣaḥīḥ li-man Baddala Dīn al-Masīḥ (The Right Answer to those Substituting the Religion of the Messiah) (Riyāḍ, 1999), III, 236–57.

⁴³ More than two centuries earlier, Ibn Ḥazm al-Andalusī made similar claims on the Quran and Jesus. See Muhammad al-Iraqi et al. (eds), al-Uṣūl wa'l-Furūʿ (Cairo, 1978), 230–1.

⁴⁴ On shared views among Christians and unorthodox Muslim groups, see Harry Austryn Wolfson, The Philosophy of the Kalam (Cambridge, 1965), 304–54.

⁴⁵ This Quran was produced in preparation for defeating the Almohads, for polemic and conversion purposes. An earlier Latin translation of the Quran was made by Robert of Ketton (archdeacon of Pamplona and deacon of Tudela), at the request of Peter the Venerable, upon visiting Spain (1142–43). See Tolan, Saracens, 183, 155–6; Thomas Burman, “Tafsīr and translation: traditional Arabic Qurʾān exegesis and the Latin Qurʾāns of Robert of Ketton and Mark of Toledo”, Speculum 73, 1998, 703–32 (esp. 708).

⁴⁶ See translation of the Liber denudationis in Thomas Burman, Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabs, c. 1050–1200 (Leiden, 1994), 339–63 (esp. 10.8–13).

⁴⁷ The Quran and La escala were the main sources on Islamic revelation and eschatology. The Latin and French versions of La escala manuscripts name a Jewish physician, Abraham, as the translator who was commissioned by Alfonso X. Both the Arabic original and the Castilian version are now lost. For the English translation of the French manuscript at the Bodleian Library, Oxford (Laudensis Misc. 537), see Reginald Hyatte, The Prophet of Islam in Old French: The Romance of Muhammad (1258) and The Book of Muhammad's Ladder (1264) (Leiden, 1997). See also Ana Echevarría, “Eschatology or biography? Alfonso X, Muhammad's ladder and a Jewish go-between”, in Robinson and Rouhi (eds), Under the Influence, 133–52; José Muñoz Sendino, La escala de Mahoma (Madrid, 1949); Enrico Cerulli, Il libro della Scala e la questione delle fonti arabo-spagnole della Divina Comedia (Roma, 1949); Marie Therèse D'Alverny, “Deux traductions latines du Coran au Moyen Age”, Archives d'histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Age 16, 1948, 125–7; Burman, Religious Polemic and the History of the Mozarabs, 50–5.

⁴⁸ Hyatte, The Prophet of Islam in Old French, Preface, 97.

⁴⁹ Hyatte, The Prophet of Islam in Old French, chapters 10, 12–19, 20, 36–37 and 49–51.

⁵⁰ Menéndez Pidal (ed.), Primera crónica general, I, §488–489, 270–1; Juan Gil de Zamora (1241–1318), Maremagnum de escrituras. Dictaminis epithalamium. Libro de las personas ilustres. Formación del príncipe, (trans.) J.-L. Martín (Zamora, 1995), 64. On the Christian polemic against Muhammad's conversion agenda, see Tolan, Saracens, 174–93; Echevarría, “Eschatology or biography?”, 140, 144.

⁵¹ The commitment to conversion of Muslims gained an unprecedented momentum in the thirteenth century. But the Siete partidas (1256–1265), Alfonso X's book of policies, explicitly warned against conversion of Iberian Muslims by force, violence or intimidation. Rather, it recommended resorting to a voluntary conversion that “arises among them [Muslims]” and is accomplished through “kind words and suitable discourses”. Robert I. Burns (ed.), Las siete partidas, (trans.) Parsons Scott (Philadelphia, 2001), 1438–9 (Part. VII, Tit. XXV, law II. S.); Robert I. Burns, “Christian-Islamic confrontation in the West: the thirteenth-century dream of conversion”, The American Historical Review 76/5, 1971, 1386–424 (esp. 1397). The goal was to bring all subjects of the kingdom to Christianity, and thus corresponded with his religious duty and self-portrayal as the “king of three religions”. See John Victor Tolan, “Alphonse le Sage: Roi des trois religions”, in Toleranz und Intoleranz im Mittelalter / Tolerance et intolerance au Moyen Age (Greifswald, 1997), 123–36. Alfonso X's cultural project was modelled after the Almohad. Imitating the Almohad caliphate's claims, Alfonso X underscored the primacy of knowledge and philosophy to achieve the image of a “sapientialist” king (Rey Sabio): Maribel Fierro, “Alfonso X ‘The Wise’: the last Almohad Caliph?”, Medieval Encounters 15, 2009, 175–98.

⁵² Tolan, Saracens, 186–9. See also Norman Daniel, Islam and the West: The Making of an Image (Oxford, 1993), 233; Echevarría, “Eschatology or biography?”, 143.

⁵³ Pieter Sjoerd van Koningsveld, “Christian-Arabic manuscripts from the Iberian peninsula and North Africa: a historical interpretation”, Al-Qanṭara 15/2, 1994, 423–51; Pieter Sjoerd van Koningsveld, “Christian Arabic literature from medieval Spain: an attempt at periodization”, in Samir Khalīl Samir and Jørgen S. Nielsen (eds), Christian Arabic Apologetics during the Abbasid Period (750–1258) (Leiden; New York; Köln, 1994), 203–24; Philippe Roisse, ““Los Evangelios traducidos del latín al árabe por Isḥāq b. Balašk al-Qurṭubī en 946 d.C.”, in Juan Pedro Monferrer Sala et al. (eds), Estudios Árabes (Granada, 1999), 147–64.

⁵⁴ See Q 2:255, Q 3:1 and 3:2, Q 20:111, Q 25:58 and Q 4:65. Ocaña Jiménez's reverse reading of the phrase as “al-ḥayy li'llāh” (The living is God's) is linguistically awkward. It does not appear either in Islamic or Christian scriptures.

⁵⁵ “Allāh al-ḥayy” appears in Matthew 16:16 and 26:63, John 6:69, 1 Timothy 6:17, Hebrews 10:31 and 15:7, 2 Corinthians 3:3 and 6:16 and Daniel 6:20.

⁵⁶ There is a redundant “alif” after the “yāʾ” and a missing “wāw” after the “sīn”.

⁵⁷ See also John 11:9 (nūr hadha al-ʿālam, the light of this world) and John 12:46 (anā al-nūr, I have come a light).

⁵⁸ Ocaña Jiménez, “Panorámica”, 110.

⁵⁹ Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, Jāmiʿ al-Bayān, (ed.) ʿAbd Allāh al-Turkī (Cairo, 2001), XII, 100; Ismail b. ʿUmar Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qurʾan al-ʿAẓīm, (ed.) Sāmī al-Salāma (Cairo, 1999), IV, 241; Abū Ḥayyān al-Andalusī, Tafsīr al-Baḥr al-Muḥīṭ, V, 122 and VII, 413; Ibn Barrajān, Tanbīh al-Afhām, (ed.) Aḥmad al-Mazyūdī (Beirut, 2013), IV, 551.

⁶⁰ Miguel Vega Martín et al., El mensaje de las monedas almohades (Cuenca, 2002), 209.

⁶¹ Eduardo Carrero, “Epigrafía y liturgia estacional entre el locutorio y el pasaje a la enfermería de la abadía de Santa María la Real de las Huelgas, en Burgos”, Territorio, Sociedad y Poder 9, 2014, 115–32 (esp. 124–7).

⁶² Carrero, “Epigrafía y liturgia estacional”, 124–31.

⁶³ See Ruiz Souza and Palomo Fernández, “Nueva hipótesis”, 36.

⁶⁴ Antonio Arbiol, Visita de enfermos y exercicio santo de ayudar a bien morir con las instrucciones más importantes para tan sagrado ministerio (Madrid, 1786), 163, cited in Carrero, “Epigrafía y liturgia estacional”, 128.

⁶⁵ Tom Nickson, “‘Sovereignty belongs to God’: text, ornament and magic in Islamic and Christian Seville”, Art History 38/5, 2015, 838–61; Tom Nickson, “Texts and talismans in medieval Castile”, Art in Translation 7/1, 2015, 9–38.

⁶⁶ Muḥammad al-Temsamānī, Adhkār al-Darqāwiyya al-Shādhiliyya (Beirut, 2017), 73.

⁶⁷ ʿAbd Allāh Kannūn, al-Nubūgh al-Maghribī fī al-Adab al-ʿArabī (Beirut, 2014), 336. Shādhilī litanies often added to the Prophet's morning prayer a series of two-word supplications that contain the word “li'llāh”: “Aṣbaḥnā wa-aṣbaḥa al-mulk li'llāh, wa'l-ʿaẓama li'llāh, wa'l-ʿizza li'llāh, wa'l-kibriyāʾ li'llāh, […]”. ʿĀṣem al-Kayyālī (ed.), Majmūʿat al-Aḥzāb al-Shādhiliyya (Beirut, 2013), 213.

⁶⁸ Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d. 1111), Mīzān al-ʿamal (Beirut, 2018), 40–1.

⁶⁹ See, for example, Pedro Cano Ávila and Aly Tawfik Mohamed Essawi, “Estudio epigráfico-histórico de las inscripciones árabes de los portalones y ventanas del Patio de las Doncellas del Palacio de Pedro I en el Real Alcázar de Sevilla”, Apuntes del Alcázar de Sevilla 5, 2004, 52–79; Serge Gubert, “Pouvoir, sacré et pensée mystique”, Al-Qanṭara 17/2, 1996, 391–427; Manuel Acién Almansa, “Cerámica y Propaganda en época almohade”, Arqueologia medieval 4, 1996, 183–92.

⁷⁰ See Ibn ʿArabī, al-Futūḥāt al-Makiyya, (ed.) Aḥmad Shams al-Dīn (Beirut, 1999), VIII, 386; Ibn Ḥajar al-ʿAsqalānī, Fatḥ al-Bārī bi-Sharḥ Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, (ed.) ʿAbd al-Qādir al-Ḥamad (Riyāḍ, 2001), XI, 117–8.

⁷¹ Abū ʿAbd Allāh Muḥammad al-Qurṭubī (1273), al-Tadhkira fī Aḥwāl al-Mawtā wa-Umūr al-Ākhira, (ed.) Al-Sādiq Ibrāhīm (Riyāḍ, 2004), I, 464.

⁷² Carrero, “The creation and use of space”, 182–3.

⁷³ Alicia Miguélez Cavero, “Texto, imagen, y música: el dolor ante la muerte del Infante Don Sancho en el Panteón Real de Las Huelgas”, in María Encarnación Martín López and Vicente García Lobo (eds), Las inscripciones góticas (Leon, 2010), 377–90; Raquel Alonso Álvarez, “Los enterramientos de los reyes de Leon y Castilla hasta Sancho IV: Continuidad dinástica y memoria regia”, e-Spania 3, 2007, 1–15.

⁷⁴ Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada, Historia de rebus Hispaniae, (ed.) Juan Fernandez Valverde (Turnhout, 1987), VIII, xv, 280; Miriam Shadis, Berenguela of Castile (1180–1246) and Political Women in the High Middle Ages (New York, 2009), 152. Emily Henry, “‘Plange, Castella misera’: meaning and mourning at the Royal Abbey of Las Huelgas de Burgos in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries”, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 12/1, 2019, 28–43.

⁷⁵ “Plange, Castella misera, plange pro rege Sancio, quem terra, pontus, ethera ploratu plangent anxio”. Gordon A. Anderson (ed.), The Las Huelgas Manuscript, Burgos (Neuhausen-Stuttgart, 1982), II, 119–20.

⁷⁶ Susan Boynton, “Emblems of lament in Latin and vernacular song”, in Dorothea Kullmann (ed.), The Church and Vernacular Literature in Medieval France (Toronto, 2009), 222–48 (esp. 228); Raquel Alonso Álvarez, “La memoria de Alfonso VIII de Castilla en Las Huelgas de Burgos: arquitectura y liturgia funenraria”, in Esther López Ojeda (ed.), 1212, un año, un reinado, un tiempo de despegue (Logroño, 2013), 349–76; Henry, “‘Plange, Castella misera’”, 9.

⁷⁷ Liozoain Garrido, Documentación (1263–1283) (Burgos, 1987), 233–4, no. 438; Alonso Álvarez, “La memoria de Alfonso VIII”, 368.

⁷⁸ On the chapel's funerary function, see Carrero “Epigrafía y liturgia estacional”, 131. The garden near the chapel's apse has been named the “cemetery garden”. For the surrounding burial grounds, see Amancio Rodríguez López, El Real Monasterio de las Huelgas de Burgos y el Hospital del Rey (Burgos, 1907), II, 273.

⁷⁹ I thank Suleiman Mourad for this nuanced translation of the verses. A literal translation would be “seal my deeds with goodness”.

⁸⁰ Acien Almansa and Martínez Nuñez, Catálogo de las inscripciones árabes, 57.

⁸¹ Rodrigo Amador de los Ríos, Inscripciones árabes de Sevilla (Sevilla, 1998), 135; José Miguel Puerta Vílchez et al., Leer la Alhambra (Granada, 2010), 42, 82.

⁸² In the Patio de las Doncellas (Seville's Alcázar), the poem frames a central stucco inscription that refers to Pedro I, “ʿizz li-mawlānā al-sulṭān don bidru ayyadahu Allāh” (Glory to our lord, sultan don Pedro, God support him).

⁸³ Of strong relevance to the Capilla's poem is the hadith “innamā al-aʿmāl bi'l-khawātīm” in al-ʿAsqalānī, Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, XI, 81–2, manifesting the strong connection between one's works and judgement after death, and confirming that “the (results of) deeds done, depend upon the last actions (innamā al-aʿmāl bi-khawātīmhā)”. See al-Ishbīlī, al-´Āqiba, 246.

⁸⁴ Al-Qurṭubī, al-Tadhkira, 274–93.

⁸⁵ Abū al-Faraj Ibn al-Jawzī, Baḥr al-Dumūʿ, fol. 17, MS 25225, Rabat, al-Khazāna al-ʿĀmma.

⁸⁶ For Shādhilī isnād, see ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Fāsī, Sharḥ Ḥizb al-Barr al-Maʿrūf bi'l-Ḥizb al-Kabīr li'l-Imām al-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī (Beirut, 2011), 109–10. In al-Andalus, for example, Ibn al-Khaṭīb reports that the Granadine mystic Ibn al-Maḥrūq (b. 709/1309) wrote: “I wore the khirqa from the hands of the Shaykh […] Abī ʿAli ʿUmar b. ʿAli al-Hāshimī al-Qurashī […]. And I was told about it by the ascetic Shaykh al-Khallasī from […], from al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, from ʿAli b. Abī Ṭālib.” Lisān al-Dīn Ibn al-Khaṭīb, Al-Iḥāṭa fī Akhbār Gharnāṭa, (ed.) Yusef ʿAli Ṭawīl (Beirut, 2003), IV, 170.

⁸⁷ Ibn Khaldūn, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, (trans.) Franz Rosenthal (Princeton, 1980), II, 187; Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn, (eds) Khalīl Shiḥāda and S. Zakkār (Beirut, 2001), I, 403.

⁸⁸ Abū al-Ṭayyib al-Washshāʾ, al-Ẓarf wa-ẓ-Ẓurafāʾ, (ed.) Fahmy Saʿd (Beirut, 1986), 309.

⁸⁹ Ibn al-Jawzī, Ādāb al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī wa-Zuhduhu wa-Mawāʿiẓuhu, (ed.) Suleiman al-Hursh (Beirut, 2008), esp. 24, 25, 33, 97, 119, 125, 133; Suleiman Ali Mourad, Early Islam between Myth and History: Al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī (d. 110H/728CE) and the Formation of His Legacy in Classical Islamic Scholarship (Leiden, 2006), 65–6.

⁹⁰ Ibn Jubayr, Riḥlat Ibn Jubayr (Beirut, 1964), 199. See Linda G. Jones, “Prophetic performances: reproducing the charisma of the Prophet in medieval Islamic preaching”, in Katherine L. Jansen and Miri Rubin (eds), Charisma and Religious Authority: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Preaching, 1200–1500 (Belgium, 2010), 19–47 (esp. 44); Linda G. Jones, “‘He cried and made others cry’: crying as a sign of pietistic authenticity or deception in medieval Islamic preaching”, in Elina Gertsman (ed.), Crying in the Middle Ages: Tears of History (London, 2013), 102–35.

⁹¹ Ibn al-Jawzī, al-Muntaẓam fī Tarīkh al-Mulūk wa'l-Umam, (eds) Muḥammad and Muṣṭafā ʿAṭā (Beirut, 1995), I, 18; al-Tinmārtī, al-Fawā’id al-Jamma fī Isnād ʿUlūm al-Umma, (ed.) Al-Yazīd al-Raḍī (Beirut, 2007), 90.

⁹² Al-Jīlānī al-Ghurābī, Dirāsāt fī al-Thaqāfa al-ʿArabiyya (Beirut, 2013), 42.

⁹³ See Ibn ʿAṭāʾ Allāh al-Sikandarī (d. 1309), Zīnat al-Nawāẓir wa-Tuḥfat al-Khawāṭir, (ed.) Yūsef Aḥmad (Beirut, 2011), 518; Muḥammad b. Ibrahīm al-Tatāʾī (d. 1535), Khuṭaṭ al-Sadād wa'l-Rushd, (ed.) Aḥmad al-Tahṭāwī (Beirut, 2016), 530. In the surviving Khuṭaṭ manuscripts, the poem is iterated either by al-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī or the Sufi mystic Ibn Zayyāt al-Tādilī (d. 1229).

⁹⁴ In al-Shādhilī's Ḥizb al-Shakwā (Complaint/Grievance Litany), for example, the weeping devotee (“God have mercy on my pouring down tears”) addresses God: “yā rabb yā mawlāy yā thiqatī wa-rajāʾī”. See Nāṣir al-Dīn al-Khaṭīb, al-Ifāḍa al-Kubrā: Majmūʿ al-Awrād al-Khāṣṣa wa'l-ʿĀmma (Beirut, 2012), 253–61 (esp. 254, 259). Al-Shādhiliyya's clear influence by Shi'ite prayers is evidenced in al-Ṭusī, Miṣbāḥ al-Mutahajjid, (ed.) ʿAli al-Aʿlamī (Beirut, 1998), 30.

⁹⁵ Jones, “‘He cried and made others cry’”, 115.

⁹⁶ Ibn Jubayr, Riḥlat Ibn Jubayr, 199.

⁹⁷ See the multi-volume work of Ibn ʿAbd Rabbih al-Andalusī (860–940), al-ʿIqd al-Farīd.

⁹⁸ Mourad, Early Islam between Myth and History, 77–83.

⁹⁹ Mourad, Early Islam between Myth and History, 82.

¹⁰⁰ In Baḥr al-Dumūʿ, a saying by Jesus (addressed as “yā rūḥ Allāh”) is directly followed by an almost identical one by al-Ḥasan: “When Jesus […] encountered the disciples, traces of dust on them, and light on their faces, he said: O sons of the hereafter (al-ākhira), the blessed would not have been blessed without your blessing. And al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī […] was asked: why of all people do those who forsake sleep to pray at night (al-mutahajjidīn) have the best faces? He said: they retreated to God so He clothed them in light from His light.” These two sayings are followed by a lengthy description of a weeping Sufi worshipper. Ibn al-Jawzī, Baḥr al-Dumūʿ, fol. 68.

¹⁰¹ El Escorial, MS 221.

¹⁰² These two works survive in Kitāb al-Qurṭ ʿalā al-Kāmil by Ibn Saʿd al-Khayr al-Balansī of Valencia (d. 1175).

¹⁰³ Menéndez Pidal (ed.), Primera crónica general, I, §951, 632. Al-Waqqashī, who at a later stage of his life served as the qādī of Valencia, is described as “tan ladino que semeiaba cristiano”, which could be interpreted, following Julián Ribera's proposed translation, as “so versed in Romance that he [al-Waqqashī] seemed a Christian”. Julián Ribera y Tarragó, Discurso leído ante de la academia de la historia (Madrid, 1915), 19. It was also proposed that “ladino” could also be understood to have meant “astute”. See Roth, Norman, Jews, Visigoths, and Muslims in Medieval Spain: Cooperation and Conflict (Leiden, 1994), 54CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁴ Menéndez Pidal (ed.), Primera crónica general, I, §909, 576–7. For the Arabic transliteration and Castilian translation of the four verses of this elegy that also survived the Arabic sources (e.g. in Ibn Bashkuwāl's al-Ṣila), see Menéndez Pidal (ed.), Primera crónica general, I, §912, 582; al-Ziriklī, Khyar al-Dīn, al-Aʿlām (Beirut, 2002), VIII, 84Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Menéndez Pidal (ed.), Primera crónica general, I, §951, 632. The Arabic sources do not mention this conversion episode. Rather, scholars such as Ibn al-Abbār indicate al-Waqqashī's burial in the cemetery near the old mosque of Dénia. See Arslān, Shakīb, al-Ḥulal al-Sundusiyya fī al-Akhbār wa'l-Āthār al-Andalusiyya (Beirut, 1939), III, 254Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Ibn al-Jawzī, Ādāb al-Ḥasan al-Baṣrī, 24–5; Yazīd al-Mubarrad, Muḥammad b., The Kāmil of el-Mubarrad, (trans.) Wright, William (Leipzig, 1874), 57Google Scholar; al-Munāwī, ʿAbd al-Raʾūf (1545–1621), al-Kawākib al-Durriya fī Tarājim al-Sāda al-Ṣūfiyya, (ed.) al-Jādir, Muḥammad (Beirut, 2010), I, 255Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ al-Dīnawarī, Abū Bakr, Kitāb al-Mujālasa wa-Jawāhir al-ʿIlm (Beirut, 1998), VI, 329 (no. 2719)Google Scholar.