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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 December 2011
Summarizing the activities of the Sigmund-Freud-Institute (SFI) in Frankfurt am Main in 1969, its director Alexander Mitscherlich painted a bleak picture of recent events. Psychoanalysis had always faced opposition in Germany, he wrote, but of late Freudianism contended with several broadsides simultaneously: critics still maintained that it placed too much emphasis on sexuality; some added that behavioral therapy or sophisticated medication did a better job at treating patients than long-term analysis; yet others argued that Freud's teachings may have been relevant in 1900, but that society no longer resembled turn-of-the-twentieth-century Vienna. On top of all this, Mitscherlich complained, a new generation demanded that psychoanalysis figure as chief witness for an antiauthoritarian education that emphasized indulgence rather than sublimation. “Society” continued to make life difficult for psychoanalysis, then, and it was for this reason that the government needed to assist the SFI in its efforts to train a new generation of analysts in Germany.
1 Bericht aus dem Sigmund-Freud Institut (1968–1969), no date, 3, Mitscherlich-Archiv (henceforth MA), Universitätsarchiv Frankfurt am Main, VII 159, Notlage eines Erfolgreichen Instituts. For similar voices, see, for example, Wortprotokoll zur Konferenz im November 1965 am SFI, MA VIII 28; Peter Kutter's letter to Mitscherlich of October 13, 1969, MA, III 19; and Krüger, Horst, “Psychoanalyse und Politik,” Merkur 12 (1968): 457–460Google Scholar, where psychoanalysis is called a “Wissenschaft im Exil.”
2 This happened in 1967. Dahm, Andreas, “Geschichte der Psychotherapierichtlinien. Geschichtliche Weiterentwicklung der Psychotherapierichtlinien und einige ihrer ‘Mythen,’” Psychotherapeut 53 (2008): 397–401CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Advice was first given at the second trial of the serial murderer Jürgen Bartsch in 1971. Brückweh, Kerstin, Mordlust. Serienmorde, Gewalt und Emotionen im 20. Jahrhundert (Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2006), 152–153, 161Google Scholar; as well as Moor, Paul, Jürgen Bartsch. Selbstbildnis eines Kindermörders (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt, 2003)Google Scholar; and Bohn, Nicolette, Anwalt des Teufels. Der Fall Jürgen Bartsch (Leipzig: Militzke Verlag, 2004)Google Scholar.
3 Most recently by Kießling, Simon, Die antiautoritäre Revolte der 68er. Postindustrielle Konsumgesellschaft und säkulare Religionsgeschichte der Moderne (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 2006), 22–23Google Scholar. For a critique of the view that the student movement pursued “irrational” goals, see Frei, Norbert, 1968. Jugendrevolte und globaler Protest (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2008), 217Google Scholar.
4 The “super-ego,” which in psychoanalysis refers to the symbolic internalization of the father figure and cultural regulations, is used here as a short-hand for “conscience” based on societal values and proscriptions. This is also how the students used and perceived the term.
5 Jacoby, Russel, Die Verdrängung der Psychoanalyse oder Der Triumph des Konformismus (Frankfurt am Main: S. Fischer, 1985), 88Google Scholar. Mühlleitner, Elke, Ich—Fenichel. Das Leben eines Psychoanalytikers im 20. Jahrhundert (Vienna: Paul Zsolnay, 2008), 164Google Scholar.
6 On the Goering Institute, see especially Cocks, Geoffrey, Psychotherapy in the Third Reich: The Göring Institute (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985)Google Scholar; Lockot, Regine, Erinnern und Durcharbeiten. Zur Geschichte der Psychoanalyse und Psychotherapie im Nationalsozialismus (Gießen: Psychosozial, 2002)Google Scholar; and Geuter, Ulfried, Die Professionalisierung der deutschen Psychologie im Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1988)Google Scholar.
7 Daseinsanalyse was heavily indebted to Martin Heidegger. Its main exponents, Ludwig Binswanger and Medard Boss, sought to move away from specific symptoms and focused on patients as suffering creatures who could not escape certain “facts of life,” especially that human suffering and mortality would always persist. See Längle, Alfried and Holzhey-Kunz, Alice, Existenzanalyse und Daseinsanalyse (Vienna: Facultas, 2008)Google Scholar.
8 On this phase in the history of German psychotherapy, see Werner Bohleber, “Die Gegenwart der Psychoanalyse. Zur Entwicklung ihrer Theorie und Behandungstechnik nach 1945,” and Hermanns, Ludger M., “Fünfzig Jahre Deutsche Psychoanalytische Vereinigung. Zur Geschichte der Psychoanalyse in Deutschland,” both in Die Gegenwart der Psychoanalyse—die Psychoanalyse der Gegenwart, ed. Bohleber, Werner and Drews, Sibylle (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 2001), 15–34 and 35–57, respectivelyGoogle Scholar; Loch, Wolfgang, “Alexander Mitscherlich und die Wiedergeburt der PA in Deutschland,” Psyche 37, no. 4 (1983): 336–345Google Scholar; Freimüller, Tobias, Alexander Mitscherlich. Gesellschaftsdiagnosen und Psychoanalyse nach Hitler (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2007)Google Scholar; Schröter, Michael, “Zurück ins Weite. Die Internationalisierung der deutschen Psychoanalyse nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg,” in Westbindungen. Amerika in der Bundesrepublik, ed. Bude, Heinz and Greiner, Bernd (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1999), 93–118Google Scholar.
9 Müller-Dohm, Stefan, Adorno. Eine Biographie (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2003)Google Scholar; Albrecht, Clemens, Behrmann, Günter C., Bock, Michael, Homann, Harald, and Tenbruck, Friedrich H., Die intellektuelle Gründung der Bundesrepublik. Eine Wirkungsgeschichte der Frankfurter Schule (Frankfurt am Main and New York: Campus, 1999)Google Scholar; Habermas, Jürgen, Erkenntnis und Interesse (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1968)Google Scholar.
10 Fallend, Karl, “Otto Fenichel und Wilhelm Reich. Wege einer politischen und wissenschaftlichen Freundschaft zweier ‘Linksfreudianer,’” in Der “Fall” Wilhelm Reich. Beiträge zum Verhältnis von Psychoanalyse und Politik, ed. Fallend, Karl and Nitzschke, Bernd (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1997), 32Google Scholar; Bernd Nitzschke, “‘Ich muß mich dagegen wehren, still kaltgestellt zu werden.’ Voraussetzungen, Begleitumstände und Folgen des Ausschlusses Wilhelm Reichs aus der DPG/IPV in den Jahren 1933/34,” in Der “Fall,” ed. Fallend and Nitzschke, 73, 77; Pietikainen, Petteri, “Utopianism in Psychology: The Case of Wilhelm Reich,” Journal of History of Behavioral Sciences 38 (2002): 158CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Konitzer, Martin, Wilhelm Reich zur Einführung (Hamburg: Junius, 1992)Google Scholar.
11 Reich, Wilhelm, Die Funktion des Orgasmus. Zur Psychopathologie und zur Soziologie des Geschlechtslebens (Leipzig, Vienna, and Zurich: Internationaler Psychoanalytischer Verlag, 1927), 14Google Scholar.
12 Genital sexuality refers to sexuality based on the reproductive organs as opposed to areas Freud had identified with the initial infantile sites of sexual pleasure (oral and anal sexuality).
13 Reich, Funktion, 62–63.
14 Ibid., 76.
15 Ibid., 154–157.
16 Ibid., 163–165.
17 The death drive, first introduced by Freud, Sigmund in Beyond the Pleasure Principle (Leipzig, Vienna, and Zurich: Psychoanalytischer Verlag, 1930)Google Scholar, suggests that there is not only an instinctual drive for pleasure, but also a drive toward self-destruction and the inorganic. The notion of a death drive has remained controversial within the psychoanalytic community ever since. The so-called “id” refers to the basic drives in Freud's structural model (id, ego, super-ego). It is located in the unconscious, driven by the so-called pleasure principle, and regarded as the reservoir of the instinctual drive to create (libido). The students used the term to refer to the unconscious drive toward pleasure as opposed to the impositions associated with the super-ego's (society's) reality principle. On Freud's pessimism, see especially his Das Unbehagen in der Kultur (Civilization and its Discontents) (Vienna: Internationaler Psychoanalytischer Verlag), first published in 1930Google Scholar.
18 Reich, Funktion, 283–285, 288–289.
19 Nitzschke, “‘Ich muß,’” 79.
20 Reich, Wilhelm, Massenpsychologie des Faschismus. Zur Sexualökonomie der politischen Reaktion und zur proletarischen Sexualpolitik (Copenhagen, Prague, and Zurich: Verlag für Sexualpolitik, 1933), 48–49, 83–85, 127, 134Google Scholar.
21 Marcuse-Archiv, Universitätsarchiv Frankfurt am Main, 0370.01, San Diego Symposium with various psychoanalysts, March 4, 1969, remarks not for publication, 2–3.
22 Marcuse, Herbert, Triebstruktur und Gesellschaft. Ein philosophischer Beitrag zu Sigmund Freud (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1970 [1955]), 18Google Scholar. This is not the place to contest these arguments. As someone who focused on the biographies of his patients, biographies that were made in a “historical-social world,” Freud was clearly aware of the impact society had on individuals. The difference between Freud and his critics revolved around the question of how much individuals could change this world. See, for example, Peter Büttner, Freud und der Erste Weltkrieg. Eine Untersuchung über die Beziehung von mediziner Theorie und gesellschaftlicher Praxis der Psychoanalyse (Ph.D. diss., University of Heidelberg, 1975), 13.
23 Marcuse, Triebstruktur, 39–44. See also Kellner, Douglas, Herbert Marcuse and the Crisis of Marxism (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA, and London: University of California Press, 1984), 163CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and, more generally, Stephan Bundschuh, “Und weil der Mensch ein Mensch ist.” Anthropologische Aspekte der Sozialphilosophie Herbert Marcuses (Ph.D. diss., University of Frankfurt am Main, 1997).
24 Marcuse, Triebstruktur, 22.
25 Ibid., 91; and Kellner, Marcuse, 167–173.
26 Marcuse, Triebstruktur, 149–150.
27 Kellner, Marcuse, 179. On Schiller's attempt to combine reason with the senses, see especially Beiser, Frederick, Schiller as Philosopher: A Re-Examination (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
28 Marcuse, Triebstruktur, 197–199; and Kellner, Marcuse, 181. According to Freud, human beings are born without specific or focused libinal drives, and can derive sexual pleasure from any part of the human body. This “polymorphous perverse sexual pleasure” is present during the three developmental stages in early childhood: “oral,” “anal,” and “phallic.” Only later in life (after the age of five, approximately) do children learn to constrain sexual drives to socially accepted norms, focusing on the genitals as the site for sexual pleasure. Freud's view was first expressed in his Three Essays on the Theory of Sexuality, first published in 1905.
29 Marcuse, Triebstruktur, 221.
30 Kellner, Marcuse, 182.
31 Marcuse's work contains no references to Freud until 1940. See Schmidt, Alfred, “Einleitende Studie. Herbert Marcuses politische Dechiffrierung der Psychoanalyse,” in Marcuse, Herbert, Nachgelassene Schriften. Band 3: Philosophie und Psychoanalyse, ed. Jansen, Peter-Erwin (Lüneburg: zu Klampen, 2002), 40Google Scholar. On Schiller's impact, see Kellner, Marcuse, 189–190. Schiller's vision of an aesthetic education culminated in human beings as works of art. The fundamental task of culture, he argued, was to establish an interchange or reciprocity between reason and sensibility, where both faculties influence each another. See Beiser, Schiller as Philosopher, 119, 144–145, 163.
32 Reich's subsequent work of the late 1930s and 1940s, first on “bions” as energy vesicles found in all animate and inanimate nature, then on all-permeating “Cosmic Orgone Energy,” can be associated with the holistic Naturphilosophie of the early nineteenth century. His psychoanalytic oeuvre, by contrast, was inspired by psychology rather than physiology. See Pietikainen, “Utopianism,” 159.
33 Herzog, Dagmar, Sex after Fascism: Memory and Morality in Twentieth-Century Germany (Princeton, NJ, and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2005), 159Google Scholar.
34 Anselm, Sigrun, “Zwischen Existentialismus und Marxismus. Psychoanalyse und Studentenbewegung in Berlin,” Luzifer-Amor 28 (2001): 20–21Google Scholar; Günter C. Behrmann, “Kulturrevolution. Zwei Monate im Sommer 1967,” in Albrecht et al., Gründung, 335. The communard Dieter Kunzelmann was the most prominent member of the Subversive Aktion. See Reimann, Aribert, Dieter Kunzelmann. Avantgardist, Protestler, Radikaler (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Rupprecht, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Siegfried, Detlef, Time Is on My Side. Konsum und Politik in der westdeutschen Jugendkultur der 60er Jahre (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2006), 477–483Google Scholar.
35 Reiche, Reimut, “Sexuelle Revolution—Erinnerung an einen Mythos,” in Frankfurter Schule und Studentenbewegung. Von der Flaschenpost zum Molotowcocktail 1946–1995. Aufsätze und Kommentare, ed. Kraushaar, Wolfgang (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2008), 151Google Scholar. No other author can match the prominence of Reich in the pirate edition archive of the Institut für Sozialforschung in Hamburg. Similarly, when Götz von Olenshausen counted the number of pirate editions in 1973, Reich was by far the most popular author. See Behrmann, “Kulturrevolution,” 378.
36 Herzog, Sex after Fascism, 159–160.
37 Rath, Claus-Dieter, “Begehren und Aufbegehren. Eine Skizze zum Verhältnis von Kritischer Theorie, Psychoanalyse und Studentenbewegung,” Luzifer-Amor 28 (2001): 83Google Scholar.
38 Klaus Horn, review of Peter Brückner, Thomas Leithäuser, and Kriesel, Werner, eds., Psychoanalyse. Zum 60. Geburtstag von Alexander Mitscherlich (Frankfurt am Main: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1968)Google Scholar, in Das Argument 11 (1969): 129Google Scholar.
39 Anselm, “Zwischen Existentialismus und Marxismus,” 7.
40 Archiv des Hamburger Instituts für Sozialforschung (henceforth AHIS), Kritische Universität 1967/1968, Arbeitskreis 15: Psychosomatische Medizin, Projektgruppe I: “Psychoanalyse und Sozialwissenschaften,” 93–94.
41 AHIS, SAK-K1, Kinderläden in Berlin, no date. This reading was reminiscent of Theodor W. Adorno's claim that in an “unfree society, sexual freedom is as unthinkable as any other.” See Adorno, Theodor W., “Sexualtabus und Recht heute,” in Sexualität und Verbrechen, ed. Bauer, Fritz et al. (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer, 1963), 300–301Google Scholar.
42 Reiche, “Sexuelle Revolution,” 153; and Hoyer, Timo, Im Getümmel der Welt. Alexander Mitscherlich—Ein Porträt (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008), 454Google Scholar.
43 Dahmer, Helmut, “Wilhelm Reichs Stellung zu Freud und Marx,” Psyche 26 (1972): 210Google Scholar.
44 Rutschky, Michael and Schröter, Michael, “Der neueste Angriff auf die Psychoanalyse,” Frankfurter Hefte 30 (1975): 63–66Google Scholar; Wulff, Erich, “Psychoanalyse als Herrschaftswissenschaft?,” Kursbuch 29 (September 1972): 1–22Google Scholar; Valin, Claude, “Der Prophet des Orgasmus,” konkret, no. 17 (1968): 15Google Scholar; Brückner, Peter, Leithäuser, Thomas, and Kriesel, Werner, eds., Psychoanalyse. Zum 60. Geburtstag von Alexander Mitscherlich (Frankfurt am Main: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1968), 8, 37Google Scholar; AHIS, Sammlung Studentenbewegung, Fachbereichsunterlagen, Leitz-Ordner 9: Kritische Psychologie, Referat Irmingard Steubl, Kritische Psychologie und Gesellschaft, October 28 to 31, 1969, 6–7. For a contemporary critique of this distinction between the good and the bad Freud, see Alexander Mitscherlich's introduction to the student edition of Freud's collected works, “Über mögliche Mißverständnisse bei der Lektüre der Werke Sigmund Freuds,” 10, offprint in MA, VII 146.
45 Dahmer, Helmut, Libido und Gesellschaft. Studien über Freud und die Freudsche Linke (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp 1973), 24–25Google Scholar. According to this analysis, Freud's therapy followed the route unconscious production, alienation (in the shape of neuroses), and finally Aufhebung (transcendence) and Aneignung (appropriation) through memory work.
46 Brückner, Leithäuser, and Kriesel, eds., Psychoanalyse, 90; Anselm, “Zwischen Existentialismus und Marxismus,” 20–21.
47 See, for example, AHIS, SBe 623, “Mannheimer Papier” and “Neues Patientenkollektiv Hannover und A. Janov. Thesen zur Strategie Psychotherapeutischer Arbeit in einer realen Welt.” No dates.
48 On the rationality of desire, see also Brückner, Leithäuser, and Kriesel, eds., Psychoanalyse, 53–54.
49 Norbert Frei dismisses this aspect of the student movement without offering compelling evidence. Frei, 1968, 1.
50 Paffrath, F. Hartmut, Das Ende der Antiautoritären Erziehung? Eine Konfrontation mit der Schulwirklichkeit (Bad Heilbrunn: Julius Klinkhardt, 1972), 35Google Scholar; Sadoun, Katia, Schmidt, Valeria, and Schulz, Eberhard, Berliner Kinderläden. Antiautoritäre Erziehung und sozialistischer Kampf (Cologne and Berlin: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1970), 33Google Scholar; Berentzen, Detlef, “30 Jahre Kinderläden. Mao vs. Rotkäppchen,” Klein und Groß 10 (1998): 7–8Google Scholar. See, for example, Stuttgart, Kinderladen, “Bericht über einen Prozeß,” in Erziehung zum Ungehorsam. Kinderläden berichten aus der Praxis der antiautoritären Erziehung, ed. Bott, Gerhart (Frankfurt am Main: Zweitausendeins, 1970), 22Google Scholar.
51 AHIS, SAK-K1, Aktionsrat zur Befreiung der Frau, Sitzung des Arbeitskreises “Erziehung,” April 2, 1968. See also, for example, AHIS, SAK-K1, Antiautoritäre Erziehung. Arbeitspapier 1, Frankfurt 1969 and Kinderschule Frankfurt, “Eschersheimer Landstraße, ” in Erziehung zum Ungehorsam, ed. Bott, 45.
52 AHIS, SAK-K1, Aktionsrat zur Befreiung der Frau in SAK-K1, Kinderladen Charlottenburg, Jebenstr. 1, general report, 8–9.
53 AHIS, SAK-K1, Jürgen Zimmer, “Anti-autoritäre Erziehung in Kindertagesstätten,” summary of talk held in Blankenberg on April 29, 1968, 6–8; Sadoun, Schmidt, and Schulz, Berliner Kinderläden, 86, 99, 105.
54 AHIS, SAK-K1, Aktionsrat zur Befreiung der Frauen in SAK-K1, Kinderläden: 1. Gliederung des Erfahrungsberichts, Arbeitshypothesen aus dem BFI-Paper (June 1969), 1, and Antiautoritäre Erziehung. Arbeitspapier 1, Frankfurt 1969, signed by Regine Dermitzel. The unconscious bonds toward one's children were seen as a recurring problem. See, for example, AHIS, SAK-K1, Arbeitspapier Charlottenburg I, August 1968, 3. Kinderladen Schöneberg briefly involved parents in the care center with the expectation that this engagement would eliminate the spheres separating children from adults. The involvement was later dropped. Sadoun, Schmidt, and Schulz, Berliner Kinderläden, 118–119.
55 Ehrhardt, Johannes, Antiautoritäre Erziehung. Versuch einer kritischen Darstellung und Analyse am Beispiel der Kinderläden (Hanover: Niedersächsische Landeszentrale für politische Bildung, 1973), 42–43Google Scholar.
56 Ibid.
57 Kinderladen Stuttgart, “Bericht über einen Prozeß,” in Erziehung zum Ungehorsam, ed. Bott, 19.
58 Frankfurt, Kinderschule, “Eschersheimer Landstraße,” in Antiautoritäre Erziehung, ed. Kron, Friedrich W. (Bad Heilbrunn: Julius Klinkhardt, 1973), 54Google Scholar.
59 AHIS, SAK-K1, Aktionsrat zur Befreiung der Frauen in SAK-K1, Antiautoritäre Erziehung. Arbeitspapier 1, Frankfurt 1969. See also AHIS, SAK-K1, Zentralrat der Kinderläden, Charlottenburg II, protocol of January 16, 1969. See also Vera Schmidt, “Psychoanalytische Erziehung in Sowjetrußland. Bericht über das Kinderheim-Laboratorium in Moskau,” in Erziehung, ed. Kron, 39–40.
60 AHIS, SAK-K1, Arbeitspapier Charlottenburg I, August 1968, 4.
61 Ibid., 5–6.
62 AHIS, SAK-K1, Zimmer, “Anti-autoritäre Erziehung in Kindertagesstätten,” 6–8.
63 Kinderschule Frankfurt, “Eschersheimer Landstraße, ” in Erziehung, ed. Kron, 43–55.
64 This was not only true for the Kinderladen movement. See, for example, Reiche, Reimut, “Ist der Ödipuskomplex universell?,” Kursbuch 29 (September 1972): 164, 176Google Scholar.
65 See footnote 28.
66 AHIS, SAK-K1, Zentralrat der Kinderläden, KL-Info 6, March 29, 1969, 7.
67 AHIS, SAK-K1, Zentralrat der Kinderläden, “Der utopische Sozialismus der Berliner Kinderläden,” no name, 1970.
68 For this continuity, see Schmidtke, Michael, Der Aufbruch der jungen Intelligenz. Die 68er Jahre in der Bundesrepublik und den USA (Frankfurt am Main and New York: Campus, 2003), 12Google Scholar; and Kießling, Die antiautoritäre Revolte der 68er, 288.
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70 MA, VII 145, Manuscript, “Protest und Revolution,” 1968, 1–2, 7–8. The manuscript served Mitscherlich as a blueprint for subsequent contributions, such as during the 26th International Psychoanalytic Congress in Rome in July 1969. Mitscherlich, Alexander, “Protest und Revolution,” Psyche 24 (1970): 510–520Google Scholar. See also Freimüller, Alexander Mitscherlich, 382–383. For an early defense of the students, see Mitscherlich's letter to Carlo Schmid, MA, I 1, November 10, 1961.
71 Klaus Horn (1934–1985) headed the section on social psychology at the Sigmund-Freud-Institute and taught at the University of Frankfurt.
72 Horn, Klaus and Mitscherlich, Alexander, “Vom ‘halbstarken’ zum starken Protest,” reprinted in Psyche 36 (1982): 1120–1122Google Scholar. Mitscherlich supported the students on several occasions—and especially in public. See Hoyer, Im Getümmel, 453, 456–460; and Freimüller, Alexander Mitscherlich, 366–368, 371.
73 MA, VII 145, Manuscript, “Protest und Revolution,” 1968, 3.
74 Ibid., 10–11. See also Pohlen, Manfred, “Die Abhängigkeitsthematik in der Revolte der Studenten,” Psyche 23 (1969): 769Google Scholar. Jean Améry also argued that revolutions required the suppression of drives. Améry, Jean, “Wilhelm Reich oder die Holzwege der Seelenkunde,” Merkur 25 (1971): 491Google Scholar. According to Freud, the infantile male becomes anxious that his penis will be cut off by his rival, the father figure (castration anxiety), as punishment for desiring the mother figure (Oedipus complex).
75 MA, X 26 “Hypothesen über sozialpsychologische Ursachen des Studentenprotestes (. . .), Zusammenstellung aus der Diskussion vom 21.4.1969,” 1–3.
76 Ibid., 4–6.
77 Cremerius, Johannes, “Psychoanalyse als Beruf oder ‘Zieh’ aus mein Herz und suche Freud,” in Psychoanalyse in Selbstdarstellungen II, ed. Hermanns, Ludger M. (Tübingen: edition diekord, 1992), 105Google Scholar. See also Berndt, Heide, “Nachträgliche Bemerkungen zur ‘Unruhe der Studenten,’” Psyche 27 (1973): 1128–1151Google Scholar.
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