Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-nmvwc Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-13T18:18:31.915Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

China Eyes the Japanese Military: China's Threat Perception of Japan since the 1980s*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 September 2010

Tomonori Sasaki
Affiliation:
Ministry of Defence of Japan. Email: tomonorisasaki94@gmail.com

Abstract

This article represents the first attempt to examine the Chinese elite's threat perception of Japan using statistics to analyse what, if any, differences exist among the People's Liberation Army, the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Chinese economic institutes. It seeks to answer two questions that have not previously been addressed in the literature. First, has there been a change in perception of the Japanese threat in these three sectors over time? And if so, what can we deduce about the causes of this change? This study finds that there have indeed been two major shifts in China's threat perception of Japan since the 1980s, one in the late 1980s and the other in the mid-1990s. It also finds that there were no differences between sectors as to the direction and timing of these shifts. It suggests that Japan's military build-up in the late 1980s and the strengthening of the US–Japan alliance from 1996 onwards are what prompted these shifts in China's threat perception.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 2010

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Pollack, Jonathan D., The Lessons of Coalition Politics: Sino-American Security Relations (Santa Monica: Rand Corporation, 1984), p. 57Google Scholar.

2 The English version of Renmin ribao (People's Daily), http://english.peopledaily.com.cn/whitepaper/defense2006/defense2006(1).html. These negative expressions regarding Japan do not appear in the 2008 White Paper. One possibility is that China avoided describing Japan negatively in order to improve the military relations. Indeed, the 2008 White Paper emphasized the development of military relations with Japan: http://www.china.org.cn/government/whitepaper/node_7060059.htm.

3 To assess Sino-Japanese relations as a whole is beyond the scope of this article. However, we can examine the impact of the overall nature of bilateral relations on China's threat perception of Japan to some extent by assessing the historical issue which is the crucial variable affecting bilateral relations.

4 Nathan, Andrew J. and Ross, Robert S., The Great Wall and the Empty Fortress: China's Search for Security (New York and London: Norton, 1997)Google Scholar; Whiting, Allen S., China Eyes Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989)Google Scholar.

5 Xinbo, Wu, “Memory and perception: the Chinese thinking of Japan,” in Gong, Gerrit W. (ed.), Memory and History in East and Southeast Asia (Washington DC: The CSIS Press, 2001), pp. 6585Google Scholar.

6 Wang, Jianwei and Wu, Xinbo, Against US or with US? The Chinese Perspective of America's Alliances with Japan and Korea (Stanford: Stanford University Asia/Pacific Research Center, 1998)Google ScholarPubMed.

7 Lampton, David M., “China's foreign and national security policy-making process: is it changing, and does it matter,” in Lampton, David M. (ed.), The Making of Chinese Foreign and Security Policy in the Era of Reform, 1978–2000 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001), pp. 136Google Scholar.

8 Liao, Xuanli, Chinese Foreign Policy Think Tanks and China's Policy towards Japan (Beijing: The Chinese University Press, 2006), pp. 138–40Google Scholar; Shambaugh, David, “China's international relations think tanks: evolving structure and process,The China Quarterly, No.171 (2002), pp. 581–85Google Scholar. All these journals are open sources, so they might not represent the real views of the Chinese government. Some might argue that the PLA tends to overrate a Japan threat in order to justify its military build-up. However, even if this is the case, it is not a serious problem. By comparing the views of the PLA, the MFA and the economic sector, I can grasp China's threat perception of Japan as a whole, since the MFA and the economic sector are important actors in making Japan policy and it is assumed that they do not intend to justify China's military build-up.

9 This article relies only on Chinese open sources, which could be a limitation. The next step should be to use more varied sources such as interviews and government documents.

10 Pillsbury, Michael, China Debates the Future Security Environment (Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific, 2005), pp. 368–72, 376–77Google Scholar.

11 Ibid. p. 366; Shambaugh, “China's international relations think tanks,” pp. 583–85.

12 Chun, Zhu, “A probe into the question of security and new order in the Asia-Pacific region,International Strategic Studies, No. 1 (1991), p. 12Google Scholar.

13 Gong, Du, “Jiji kaibi Zhong Ri youhao guanxi de weilai” (“Develop positively the future of the Sino-Japanese friendship”), Guoji wenti yanjiu (International Studies), No. 3 (1992), p. 3Google Scholar.

14 Yijun, Zhang, “Zhong Mei Ri guanxi de huigu yu qianzhan” (“The review and prospect of China–US–Japan relations”), Guoji wenti yanjiu, No. 1 (2001), p. 4Google Scholar.

15 Whiting, China Eyes Japan, pp. 130–31; Nathan and Ross, The Great Wall and the Empty Fortress, pp. 86–91.

16 Christensen, Thomas J., “China, the US–Japan alliance, and the security dilemma in East Asia,International Security, Vol. 23, No. 4 (1999), pp. 5557CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 Wang and Wu, Against US or with US? p. 34.

18 Whiting, China Eyes Japan, pp. 141–46; Wu Xinbo, “Memory and perception: the Chinese thinking of Japan,” p. 72.

19 Japan decided to defend the sea lanes together with the US Navy in the early 1980s.

20 Whiting, China Eyes Japan, pp. 46–79.

21 Gong, Gerrit W., “The beginning of history: remembering and forgetting as strategic issues,The Washington Quarterly (Spring 2001), p. 45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

22 Akihiko, Tanaka, Anzen hosho (Security) (Tokyo: Yomiuri Shimbunsha, 1997), pp. 140, 260–64Google Scholar.

23 Haihan, Wang, “Meiguo de quanqiu zhanlüe mianlin yanzhong tiaozhan” (“The US global strategy faces serious challenges”), Guoji wenti yanjiu, No. 4 (1992), p. 23Google Scholar.

24 Shichuan, Ding and Wei, Chen, “Trend of development of Japan–US relations 50 years after the Pacific War,International Strategic Studies, No. 1 (1992), p. 20Google Scholar.

25 Wenjin, Zhang, “Zhenxi he fazhan Zhong Ri liangguo de youhao guanxi” (“Cherish and develop the Sino-Japanese friendship”), Guoji wenti yanjiu, No. 3 (1987), p. 3Google Scholar.

26 Du Gong, “Develop positively the future of the Sino-Japanese friendship,” p. 3.

27 Whiting, Allen S. and Jianfei, Xin, “Sino-Japanese relations: pragmatism and passion,World Policy Journal (Winter 1990), pp. 124–25Google Scholar.

28 Hideo, Otake, Saigunbi to Nashonarizumu (The Rearmament and Nationalism) (Tokyo: Koudansha, 2005), p. 4Google Scholar.

29 After Ma Licheng, a former editor of People's Daily, published an article in Zhanlüe yu guanli (Strategy and Management) in 2002 calling for “new thinking” in China's policy towards Japan, there were various debates about China's Japan policy. However, none of the articles I used mentioned that thinking. Moreover, Ma said in the interview with Tokyo Shimbun that “new thinking” was his own opinion and that he got no instruction or guidance from anyone regarding it. It is difficult to assume that China's “new thinking” towards Japan affected the perception of Japan threat within the Chinese government, or that it reflected the views of any sector within the Chinese government. Tokyo Shimbun, 21 December 2008.

30 Dalin, Zhang, “Ping Ri Mei anquan baozhang lianhe xuanyan” (“Debating the US–Japan Joint Declaration on Security”), Guoji wenti yanjiu, No. 4 (1996), p. 24Google Scholar.

31 Deans, Phil, “The Taiwan question: reconciling the irreconcilable,” in Soderberg, Marie (ed.), Chinese–Japanese Relations in the 21st Century: Complementarity and Conflict (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 90Google Scholar.

32 Deans, Phil, “Taiwan in Japan's foreign relations: informal politics and virtual diplomacy,Journal of Strategic Studies, Vol. 24, No. 4 (2001), p. 159Google Scholar.

33 Ministry of Defence, Defence of Japan 2007, p. 526.

34 Youguo, Jin, “Sino-Japanese relations: current situation and future trend,International Strategic Studies, No. 4 (2005), p. 24Google Scholar.

35 Yunhua, Zou, “Zhanqu daodan fangyu (TMD) yu quanqiu he diqu anquan de guanxi” (“Theatre missile defence and global and regional security relations”), Guoji wenti yanjiu, No. 1 (1998), p. 28Google Scholar.

36 Dan, Jia, “21 shiji Riben fangwei he anquan zhanlüe tiaozheng zouxiang” (“The direction of co-ordination of Japan's defence and security strategy in the 21st century”), Guoji wenti yanjiu, No. 2 (2003), p. 40Google Scholar.

37 Xiaojun, Xie, “Riben zai Dong Ya jingji yidihua zhanlüe shang de youlie yinsu fenxi” (“The analysis on pros and cons of Japan's strategy of being united with the East Asian economy”), Yatai jingji (Asia-Pacific Economy), No. 4 (2005), p. 37Google Scholar.

38 Zhengming, Jiang, “The main motives and impact of the US–Japan's strengthening their ABM cooperation,International Strategic Studies, No. 2 (2004), pp. 4950Google Scholar.

39 Jianxin, Ma and Zhan, Wang, “Readjustment of the Japan–US alliance and its effects in the new period,International Strategic Studies, No. 3 (2005), p. 51Google Scholar.

40 Qing, Liu, “Meiguo quanqiu junshi zhanlüe tiaozheng dui Ya Tai anquan de yingxiang” (“The impact of the co-ordination of the US global military strategy on East Asian security”), Guoji wenti yanjiu, No. 4 (2005), p. 32Google Scholar.

41 Guozhong, Lu, “Shiji zhi jiao Riben anquan he waijiao zhengce” (“Japan's security and foreign policy in the new century”), Guoji wenti yanjiu, No. 1 (2000), pp. 1213Google Scholar. Fafu, Huang, “Japan's Asia-Pacific security strategy,International Strategic Studies, No. 3 (2002), p. 21Google Scholar.

42 Yu, Ji, “Jingti Riben junguo zhuyi sihui furan” (“Caution! Japanese militarism is reviving from death”), Guofang (National Defence), No. 9 (1996), p. 16Google Scholar.

43 Yu, Zhang, Xiaoyu, Wu and Nian, Xiang, “Youshi fazhi de zhanzheng dongyuan zhenmianmu” (“The reality of mobilization by martial laws”), Guofang (National Defence), No. 11 (2002), pp. 3032Google Scholar.

44 Xide, Jin, “Japan's security strategy at crossroads,International Strategic Studies, No. 3 (2002), p. 30Google Scholar.

45 Zhao, Suisheng, “China's pragmatic nationalism: is it manageable?The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 1 (2005–06), p. 143CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Downs, Erica Strecker and Saunders, Philip C., “Legitimacy and the limits of nationalism: China and the Diaoyu Islands,International Security, Vol. 3, No. 3. (1998–99), pp. 144–45Google Scholar.

46 Zhao, “China's pragmatic nationalism: is it manageable?” p. 132.

47 It seems to me that the level of threat perception has remained high even since 2006. For example, see the Chinese campaign against the Japanese decision to build a helicopter destroyer which China regards as an aircraft carrier: http://mil.huanqiu.com/world/2009-09/568767.html http://mil.huanqiu.com/world/2009-09/563061.html.