¹ The following abbreviations are used: Anc. Mac: Ancient Macedonia 1–5 (Thessaloniki, 1970–1993)Google Scholar; Anson: Anson, E. M., ‘The Meaning of the Term Macedones’, The Ancient World 10 (1985) 67–8Google Scholar; Arr.: Arrian, Anabasis Alexandrou; Borza: Borza, E. N., In the Shadow of Olympus (Princeton, 1990)Google Scholar. Bosworth, C: Bosworth, A. B., A Historical Commentary on Arriaris History of Alexander I–III (Oxford, 1967)Google Scholar; Hammond Ep: Hammond, N. G. L., Epirus (Oxford, 1967)Google Scholar; Hammond MS: idem, The Macedonian State (Oxford, 1989); Hammond Sources: idem, Sources for Alexander: Plutarch's Life and Arrian's Anabasis (Cambridge, 1993); Hammond THA: idem, Three Historians of Alexander the Great: Diodorus, Justin and Curtius (Cambridge, 1983); HM: idem, A History of Macedonia I (Oxford, 1972), II with G. T. Griffith (1979), III with F. W. Walbank (1988). Tod: Tod, M. N., Greek Historical Inscriptions I–II (Oxford, 1933 and 1948)Google Scholar.

² For these rivers see HM 1. 144f. and Map 15.

³ The opening part of this text is not affected by the emendation of πιστρέψαντες which I discussed in HM 1. 183f. The significance of ‘Macedonia’ was not noted for instance by Gomme or Borza.

⁴ The meaning ‘inland’ (L-S-J s.v.ἄνω Ilf) has to be bome in mind, as at Hdt. 7.128.1, where the contrast was between the coastal route from Lower Macedonia to Thessaly (7.173.1) and ‘the inland route’ via Petra Pass, for which see HM 1.123 with Map 12 and Borza 290f. The conventional translation ‘Upper Macedonia’ is less accurate; and the Petra Pass was not in what came to be known as ‘Upper Macedonia’.

⁵ When the first capital, Aegeae, was placed by scholars at Edessa below Mt Bermium (e.g. by Edson, C. F. in Anc. Mac. 1.21Google Scholar), the homeland of the Macedonians was placed there. That identification ran counter to all other evidence (see HM 1. 156f.) and was disproved by the excavations at Vergina, where Aegeae is to be placed. The old identification seems to have caused some confusion. For instance, Borza 82 wrote recently. ‘We are further confounded by the geographical discrepancy between the Mt. Vermion association of Perdiccas [the first Temenid king] and the possibility that the Makedones settled first in coastal Pieria’. Borza then made his own ‘suggestion… based on no ancient evidence’ that ‘the westward [? a mistake for northward] movement of the Pierian Makedones eventually reached the piedmont of Mt. Vermion near Veria or Mieza’. The ancient evidence, which Borza mentioned on p. 63, is far preferable to his or anyone else's ‘based-on-no-evidence’ speculation. The evidence is that the Thracian Pieres held ‘coastal Pieria’, the early Macedones were ‘around Pieria and Olympus’, and the association of Perdiccas and his brothers with the land below Mt. Bermion was as fugitives and later as conquerors in their advance from Pieria into Bottiaea.

⁶ Thucydides used νῡν at 2.100.2 in mentioning the forts built by Archelaus, and three times at 2.99.3 presumably with the same time reference. The present tense in 2.99.4 seems to be for variation only.

⁷ InHM 1.4371 noted that Thucydides arranged his subject matter in the form ABCDDCBA, which helps us to see that theΜακєδόνων were those of 2.99.2.

⁸ This was not a new policy. Amyntas II offered to give Anthemus to Hippias (Hdt. 5.94.1) and Perdiccas II gave a part ‘of his own land of Mygdonia by Lake Bolbe’ for evacuees to cultivate (Thuc. 1.58.2). The region between the Strymon and the Nestus was perhaps what Pausanias meant when he wrote that Lysimachus ‘regained Thrace’ and later ‘ruled in addition over Nestioi and Macedones’, whereas ‘most of Macedonia’ was held by Pyrrhus. In any case Pausanias indicated that the western frontier of ‘Thrace’ was related to the river Nestus.

⁹ SeeHM 2.654.

¹⁰ There was a time when the eighth and seventh centuries were regarded as prehistoric and the Lycurgean reform was dated c. 600 B.C. by H. T. Wade-Gery. Excavation has proved that there were reliable historical records of the foundations of colonies and other events for those centuries. Thus the traditional literary dating of Mende, across the Thermaic Gulf from Methone and founded like Methone by Eretria, to 730 B.C. has been confirmed by current excavations; see the report of houses and sherds of Eretrian pottery of the second half of the eighth century by Vokotopoulou, J. in Arkhaiologikon Ergon in Macedonia and Thrace 4 (Thessaloniki, 1990) p. 400Google Scholar.

¹¹ The quotations are from Borza 63 and 70.

¹² Herodotus states that he had information from the royal family (5.22.1κατάπερ αὐτοìλέγοʋσι and from the Macedonians (7.73 οί Μακεδόνες λέγονσι). Thucydides presumably drew on the same sources. It is a mistake to suppose that Thucydides simply repeated what Herodotus had said (as suggested by Borza 82); for if any historian was an independent thinker, it was Thucydides and he had a poor opinion of Herotodus. The number of generations back to the founder of the dynasty as given independently by Herodotus and by Thucydides brings us into the first half of the seventh century, well within historical time for an enquiry at Argos by the Judges. I am unconvinced by the arguments of Borza that ‘the Temenidae (in Macedonia) must disappear from history’ (82, based on his article in Hesperia, Suppl. 19 [1982] 7–13).

¹³ For this way of life see my book Migrations and Invasions in Greece and adjacent areas (New Jersey, 1976), 37ff.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See Justin 7.4.1 ‘Xerxes gave to Alexander rule over all the region between Mt. Olympus and Mt. Haemus’ and my comments in HM 2.63f. and in CQ 41 (1991) 501, where I maintained that the ultimate source of Justin was Marsyas Macedon, a contemporary of Alexander the Great. Borza 115 n. 38 held that Justin's comment should be ‘dismissed’, an opinion not based on any consideration of Justin's sources.

¹⁵ The wealth of the Elimiote royal house as revealed by the exciting excavations at Aiani (see Karamitrou-Mentessidi, G., Aiani of Kozani [Thessaloniki, 1989]Google Scholar) certainly rivalled that of the Temenid dynasty.

¹⁶ For ‘Town-Companions’ see my comments in CQ 28 (1978) 129Google Scholar and in Historia 40 (1991) 403ff.Google Scholar, citing rival interpretations.

¹⁷ The ultimate source was probably Ptolemy, drawing on the King's Journal (Hammond THA 36f.).

¹⁸ “The Guard of the Macedones’ (Arr. 1.8.4) and ‘the Brigades of the Macedones’ (1.6.6) are similar, the genitive being substantival in the context and not partitive. Arrian drew probably on Ptolemy (Hammond, Sources 198ff. and 205f.Google Scholar).

¹⁹ An ethnic name was never attached expressly to the 600 Scouts (prodromoi) by Arrian. However at 2.8.9 they and others were probably meant. As Alexander was approaching the battlefield of Issus, he deployed on his right ‘cavalrymen the so-called Companions, the Thessalians and the Macedones’ and on his left the Peloponnesian cavalry and the other allied cavalry. Who were these ‘Macedones?’ The only cavalry units in his army which were not mentioned here were the Scouts, the Paeonians and the Thracians; and two of these — the Scouts and the Paeonians — appeared in Arrian's account of the battle (2.9.2). Arrian presumably used the word ‘Macedones’ here in contrast to Thessalians and Peloponnesians to mean simply that the Scouts, 600 strong, and the Paeonians (and ? the Thracians), each 150 strong, came from Macedonia. I disagree here with P. A. Brunt's deletion of ‘the Macedones’, and Bosworth's view that the text is ‘impossible’ (C 209). Something similar occurred with some light-armed infantry. On the Balkan campaign Alexander had archers and slingers (Arr. 1.2.5), of whom the latter were certainly recruited from within the kingdom. At Issus he had on the left wing ‘Cretan archers’ and on the right wing ‘archers’, next to Agrianians (Arr. 2.9.2–3), and at Gaugamela ‘the archers the Macedones’ were next to Agrianians on the right wing (Arr. 3.12.2). The two groups were clearly the same, i.e. Macedones as contrasted with Cretans. Bosworth C 302 did not mention the analogy in 2.9.2–3.

²⁰ In this passage there is a contrast between ‘the Macedones over who m he (Perdiccas) ruled’ and ‘the Greeks dwelling in (the kingdom)’, which shows that dwellers in the kingdom did not thereby become ‘Macedones’ and suggests that Perdiccas had a different relationship with these Greeks. The Mycenaeans had been in Macedonia since c. 468 B.C.

²¹ See my comments in CQ 38 (1988) 383ffGoogle Scholar.

²² Ibid. 382ff. For a similar view see Hatzopoulos, M. B. in BCH 117 (1993) 321Google Scholar.

²³ The earliest example is that of Amyntas III (Porphyr. fr.l in FHG 3.691 ὑπò Μακεδόνωνξεβλήθη), in the late 390s.

²⁴ Diod. 16.3.1, 4.2–3, 71.2. Ephorus was probably the source of Diodorus in these passages, except the last one.

²⁵ Mélanges G. Daux 22 and 24; Arr. 1.9.9 and Plut. Alex. 11.12.

²⁶ This passage was cited by Anson 67: ‘he (Arrian) calls the camp-guards Macedones, when they, in fact, were Thracians (Arr. Anab. 3.14.5, cf. 3.12.5)’. Such inaccuracy is extraordinary. Arrian described some Indian and Persian cavalrymen breaking their way through towards ‘the baggage-train of the Macedones’ (3.14.5), correctly because it was the baggage-train of the Macedonian army as a whole. He described ‘the infantry from Thrace’ as being posted to protect the baggage (3.12.5); no doubt they became engaged in the action around the baggage-train but were not mentioned by name (3.14.5–6).

²⁷ During the absence of Alexander Olympias acted in religious matters as head of state at Pella; see CQ 30 (1980) 474f.Google Scholar