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Etymologies and Derivations

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2016

Edwin W. Fay
Edwin W. Fay*
Affiliation:
Austin, Texas.
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Extract

I. In Skr. medín we have an Indo-Iranian -in derivative of a proethnic start-form (s)met-sdos ‘co-sedens,’ whose initial s may have been lost by haplology, but cf. Av. mat ‘μετά.’ Homeric ἂoζoς ‘attendant’ (start-form sm-sodyos) is a like compound, meaning co-sedens and not ‘mitgänger’ (pace Johannson IF. III. 199), but has suffered psilosis. Out of composition, unless the ‘suffix’ conceals a posterius, we may have a further cognate in Lat. sodalis ‘boon-companion,’ wherein sodā- may have meant something like ‘session’ (the council or board of elders in the Scotch kirk).

Type
Research Article
Information
The Classical Quarterly , Volume 8 , Issue 1 , January 1914 , pp. 50 - 60
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 1914

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References

page 52 note 1 Herein ποδ- is quasi-prepositional: Aeoli πεδ-´ ‘cum’; cf. pad- in Skr.pad-ratha-s ‘footman in attendance on a chariot.’

page 53 note 1 Cf. τροχός ‘wheel’ =τρέχει ‘runs.’

page 54 note 1 Bender's remarks on the general analogy that may have produced t´vasvant from tav´s (p. 32 fn.) do not agree with his explanation of the accent of h´ritvant- on p. 41, fn. 2, and *harítvant- were as permissible as divítmant: It may be as well to suppose that when nominalized in the possessive derivative a secondary accent of diacritic purport was given to the adj. stem harít (i.e. *h´rit- ‘splendour’).