2. See the prefatory remarks in Martin, Phyllis M., The External Trade of the Loango Coast 1576-1870 (Oxford, 1972), viiGoogle Scholar; and Patterson, K. David, The Northern Gabon Coast to 1875 (Oxford, 1975), vii.Google Scholar For a more recent statement, see the “Avant-Propos” in N'nah, Nicolas Metegue, Lumière sur points d'ombre (Langres, 1984), 11.Google Scholar

3. Raponda-Walker, André and Sillans, Roger, Les plantes utiles du Gabon (Paris, 1961)Google Scholar; Rites et croyances des peuples du Gabon (Paris, 1962).Google Scholar

4. Raponda-Walker, , Notes d'histoire du Gabon (Mémoire de l'Institut d'Études Centrafricaines, 9). (Brazzaville, 1960).Google Scholar

5. Biographical information can be found in Gardinier, David E., Historical Dictionary of Gabon (Metuchen, 1981), 194Google Scholar; there is a “bio-bibliographie” in Deschamps, Hubert, Traditions orales et archives au Gabon (Paris, 1962), 161–67Google Scholar; and nearly three pages of references in the bibliography to Bucher, Henry H., “The Mpongwe of the Gabon Estuary: A History to 1860” (Ph.D., University of Wisconsin, 1977), 426–29.Google Scholar In Gabon there exists a critical study: Ringue, Dieudonné Lendoye, “Aperçu critique de l'oeuvre scientifique d'André Raponda-Walker,” (Mémoire de maîtrise, UNOB, 1990).Google Scholar

6. “Old scrappers” is a term used by Jacob Carruthers in referring to the first Black American writers to write on Ancient Egypt who, though having no formal training in history, fought to present a Black American perspective on the past. See Carruthers, , Essays in Ancient Egyptian Studies (Los Angeles, 1984), 34–35.Google Scholar

7. Pounah's books include Notre passé (Paris, 1967)Google Scholar; Concept gabonais. (Monaco, 1968)Google Scholar; Carrefour de la discussion (Coulonges-sur-l'Autize, 1971)Google Scholar; and a French translation of Pasteur Ogoula Mbeye's Galwa manuscript, Galoa ou Edongo d'antan (Fontenay-le-Comte, 1978).Google Scholar There is a brief biographical note in Gardinier, , Historical Dictionary, 165.Google Scholar

8. Bodinga-bwa-Bodinga, Sebastian, Traditions orales de la race Eviya (Paris, 1969).Google Scholar

9. In addition to his book on Gabonese oral traditions, see Deschamps, , Quinze ans de Gabon (Paris, 1965)Google Scholar and the list of books opposite the title page of Traditions orales

10. Ambouroue-Avaro, Joseph, Un peuple gabonais à l'aube de la colonisation (Paris, 1981).Google Scholar

11. For biographical information see Nwendogo's, Gaston preface to Un peuple gabonais, 13–19.Google Scholar

12. See N'nah, Nicolas Metegue, “Le Gabon de 1854 à 1886: ‘Presence’ française et peuples autochtones” (Doctorat de 3e cycle, Université de Paris I, 1974)Google Scholar; Economies et sociétés au Gabon dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle (Paris, 1979)Google Scholar; Domination coloniale au Gabon: la résistance d'un peuple (Paris, 1981)Google Scholar; and the 1984 collection of essays, Lumière sur points d'ombre.

13. In November 1981 the Mouvement de redressement national (MORENA) distributed tracts throughout Libreville criticizing the Bongo regime and a number of prominent politicians, academics, and journalists were arrested and imprisoned. See Amnesty International's report, Gabon: Déni de justice au cours d'un procès (London, 1984), 10–16.Google Scholar

14. See Ratanga-Atoz, Anges, “Les résistances gabonaises à l'impérialisme de 1870 à 1914,” (Doctorat en histoire, EPHE-Paris, 1973)Google Scholar; “Fang et Miéné dans le Gabon du XIXe siècle,” Realités gabonaises 38 (1977), 9–19Google Scholar; “Commerce, économie et société dans le Gabon du XIXe-début XXe siècle,” Annales de l'école nationale d'administration (Libreville) 3 (1979), 85–96Google Scholar; “L'Immigration Fang, ses origines et ses conséquences,” Afrika Zamani 14/15 (1984), 73–81Google Scholar; and Histoire du Gabon des migrations historiques à la République XVe-XXe siècle (Paris, 1985).Google Scholar It would appear that there is little love lost between Ratanga-Atoz and Metegue N'nah; when referring to Ratanga-Atoz in his doctoral thesis Metegue N'nah puts the word “historien” in quotation marks (N'nah, Metegue, “Le Gabon,” 135Google Scholar); meanwhile, none of Metegue N'nah's works are referenced in Ratanga-Atoz's Histoire du Gabon. Such mutual dislike is not so surprising given their two radically different relationships with the Bongo regime.

15. See Mbumb-Bwas, Florent, “Genèse de l'Église du Gabon: Étude historique et canonique,” (Doctorat d'université, Université de Strasbourg, 1972)Google Scholar and (with Wisi Magang-Ma-Mbuju) Les Bajag du Gabon (Paris, 1974).Google Scholar In the mid-1980s Digombe participated in some archeological research; see Digombe, Lazareet al, “Recherches archéologiques au Gabon: Année académique 1986-1987,” Nsi 2 (1987), 29–31Google Scholar; and “Early Iron Age Prehistory in Gabon,” Current Anthropology 29 (1988), 180–84.Google Scholar

16. This was the situation, at least, when I met with Metegue N'nah in June 1989.

17. The case of the geographer Marc Ropivia is revealing; Ropivia received his academic training in Canada and has published historical articles on the Fang migration (see Ropivia, Marc, “Les Fangs dans les Grands Lacs et la vallée du Nil,” Présence africaine 120[1981], 46–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and “Migration Bantu et Tradition orale des Fang (le Mvett): Interprétation critique,” Le mois en Afrique 211/212 [1983], 121–32Google Scholar). He was an outspoken critic of the government and the head of the Gabonese university faculty union during the period of political turmoil at the beginning of 1990. Following the National Conference and the opening up of the Gabonese political system, he was named Minister of Education, as a member of an opposition party, in Prime Minister Casmir Oyé Mba's first cabinet. Yet he quickly became embroiled in ongoing conflicts between his former colleagues and the government. Tracts criticizing his handling of the situation and, interestingly, mocking his Canadian (as opposed to French) doctoral training circulated at the university early in 1991. UNOB was shut down by a faculty strike in April and in a subsequent cabinet reorganization, Ropivia was replaced and effectively neutralized as a political force.

18. On nationalist culture and universities, see Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities (London, 1991), 70–71.Google Scholar

19. Most Gabonese researchers, whether student or faculty, use the library facilities at the Bibliothèque Nationale (see below). When it was functioning, the main library at UNOB was open Monday thru Friday, 9:00AM-6:00PM; Saturday, 9:30AM-noon; admission open to the public; student ID needed to consult materials. The UNOB history department library was open Monday, Tuesday, 10:00AM-noon; 3:00PM-6:00PM; Wednesday thru Friday, 9:00AM-noon; 3:00PM-6:00PM; Saturday, 8:00AM-noon.

20. Doctoral research since 1975 has been directed by Jean-Louis Miège at Aix-Marseille I (5 theses); Annie Rey-Goldzeiger at Reims (4 theses); Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch at Paris VII (3 theses); Yves Person at Paris I (2 theses); M. Epp at Strasbourg II (1 thesis); Jean Devisse at Paris I (1 thesis); and Claude Hélène Perrot at Paris I (1 thesis) (Source: Repertoire des thèses africanistes françaises 1978-1989).

21. Pambo-Loueya, C. Felix, “La colonie du Gabon de 1914 à 1939. Étude economique et sociale,” (Doctorat de 3e cycle, Université de Paris VII, 1980).Google Scholar

22. Examples would be Mamfoumbi, Christian, “Contribution àl'étude du travail forcé en Afrique équatoriale française dans l'entre-deux-guerres (1914-1939): l'exemple du Gabon,” (Doctorat de 3e cycle, Université de Paris I, 1984)Google Scholar; and Loungou-Mouélé, Théophile, “Le Gabon de 1910 à 1925: les incidences de la Première Guerre mondiale sur l'évolution politique, économique et sociale,” (Doctorat de 3e cycle, Université d'Aix-Marseille I, 1984).Google Scholar Both Mamfoumbi and Loungou-Mouélé assumed positions in the UNOB history department on returning to Gabon. Loungou-Mouélé was among a team of UNOB scholars who produced a short volume to mark the town of Lastoursville's centenary, Millenaire de Mulundu: Centenaire de Lastoursville. (Libreville, 1986).Google Scholar

23. Koumba-Manfoumbi, Monique, “Les Punu du Gabon: Des origines à 1899,” (Doctorat de 3e cycle, Université de Paris I, 1987).Google Scholar It is significant that Claude-Hélène Perrot, a specialist in oral history, directed Koumba-Manfoumbi's research.

24. For the obstacles she faced in gathering oral data, see Koumba-Manfoumbi, , “Les Punu,” 5–8.Google Scholar Due to the unrest at UNOB during my stay in Gabon it was extremely difficult to track down and meet with Gabonese historians. For example, despite several efforts to contact her, I was unable to meet with Koumba-Manfoumbi. I was told that in addition to being a member of the UNOB history department, she also has an important administrative position in the UNOB bureaucracy.

25. Below is a list of other doctorate de 3e cycle completed in history at French universities by this second generation of Gabonese researchers: Elelaghe, Jean-Pierre, “De l'aliénation à l'authenticité. Problématique missionnaire et affrontements culturels au Gabon. L'exemple des Fang,” (Universitè de Strasbourg II, 1977)Google Scholar; N'Doume-Assebe, Jean, “L'enseignement missionnaire au Gabon (1842-1960),” (Université de Paris I, 1979)Google Scholar; Biteghe, Moïse-Nsole, “Les relations franco-gabonaises depuis 1960,” (Université de Paris I, 1981)Google Scholar; Renwomby, Michel, “La politique administrative de la France au Gabon et ses conséquences de 1899 à 1934,” (Université d'Aix-Marseille I, 1982)Google Scholar; Mikal-Mi-Mikal, Jérôme, “L'enseignement au Gabon de 1842 à 1920,” (Université de Reims, 1983)Google Scholar; Nzoghe, Anselme, “L'exploitation forestière et les conditions d'exploitation des peuples de la colonie du Gabon de 1920 à 1940: le travail forcé,” (Université d'Aix-Marseille I, 1984)Google Scholar; Makaya, Hilaire Jidy, “Contribution à l'étude de la santé en AEF: médecines traditionnelle et occidentale. Le cas du Gabon (1910-1945),” (Université de Reims, 1984)Google Scholar; Koumabila, Juste-Roger, “La guerre de Wongo au Gabon (1928-1930),” (Université de Paris VII, 1984)Google Scholar; Ivala, Clotaire, “Structures monétaires et changements économiques et sociaux au Gabon (1914-1960),” (Université de Reims, 1985)Google Scholar; Ahavi, Rose, “Les bouleversements de la société gabonaise au contact de l'Occident (1900-1939),” (Université d'Aix-Marseille I, 1985)Google Scholar; Nziengui-Doukaga, Charles, “L'enseignement et la formation de l'élite intellectuelle gabonaise (1920-1970),” (Université de Reims, 1986).Google Scholar

Of the above, N'Doume-Assebe, Nsole Biteghe, Koumabila, and Nziengui-Doukaga have had positions in the UNOB history department. Nsole Biteghe has published a short book on the 1964 coup attempt against Gabon's first president, Léon Mba, entitled, Échec aux militaires au Gabon (Paris, 1990).Google Scholar

The history department has also been the academic home of Jean-Emile Mbot, a former Minister of Culture who holds a doctorat d'État in ethnology: “Les fondements sociaux de l'éthnologie en Afrique noire: les peuples du bassin de l'Ogooué de 1850 à nos jours,” (DE, Université de Paris V, 1979).Google Scholar See also his Ebughi bifia “Démonter les expressions”: Enonciation et situations sociales chez les Fang du Gabon (Paris, 1975).Google Scholar

Finally, a few Gabonese historians have studied in French-speaking Canada, although they have not been nearly so numerous or influential as those who have gone to France. For example, N'dombi, Pierre, “Économies et sociétés gabonaises avant la conquête coloniale,” (These de maîtrise en histoire, Université de Montréal, 1976)Google Scholar; and, also from the Université de Montréal, Akelaguelo, Aganga, “Esquisse d'histoire ethnique du Gabon,” Présence africaine 132 (1984), 3–32.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

26. Interestingly, two key university figures in the political opposition, Pierre-Louis Agondjo Okawe, the leader of the Parti Gabonais du Progrès, and Max Remondo, the head of university faculty union during the 1991 strike actions, both produced law theses in the late 1960s that have left their mark on Gabonese historical studies. See Okawe, Pierre-Louis Agondjo, “Structures parentales et développement au Gabon: les Nkomi,” (Thèse de Faculté de Droit et des Sciences Économiques, Université de Paris, 1967)Google Scholar; and Remondo, Max, “L'organisation administrative du Gabon de 1843 à nos jours,” (Thèse de Doctorat d'État de droit, Université de Paris, 1970).Google Scholar

27. See Programme tradition orale: collecte, élaboration et publication des traditions culturelles du Gabon (Libreville, 1987).Google Scholar A philosopher, Benoft Mouity-Nzamba, was LUTO's first director. He was succeeded by the sociologist Martin Alihanga, whose thèse d'État, “Structures communautaires traditionnelles et perspectives coopératives dans la société altogovéene (Gabon),” (Rome, Universario Pontificate, 1975)Google Scholar, is not only a classic example of the “ethnographic account” genre (see below) but one of the more explicit attempts by a Gabonese scholar to create a regional ethnic identity (the term “altogoveene” is derived from “Haut-Ogooué”, the name of the province in the southeast corner of Gabon).

28. See Revue Gabonaise des Sciences de l'Homme, Actes du seminaire de formation en ethnomusicologie 1 (1988)Google Scholar; and Actes du seminaire des experts: Alphabet Scientifique des Langues du Gabon 2 (1990).Google Scholar Voltz had the next five numbers of the Revue planned out, but it is unlikely that these will be published in the near future. The Histoire des villages du Gabon project was to be published in a series of cahiers; the first two are on computer disk and await funding for publication.

29. Bilinga, Jeanet al, Le Gabon 1960-1980 (Libreville, 1981), 95–96.Google Scholar

30. For an example see Mounanga, Loundou, “L'exploitation de l'Or à Étéké (Gabon) de 1937 à 1960,” (Mémoire de licence, UNOB, 1981).Google Scholar

31. Conversations with Aliké Tshinyoka, head of UNOB history department in April 1991.

32. Her initial study is an example of mission history: Koumba-Manfoumbi, Monique, “La mission catholique Saint Martin des Apindji (1900-1954): étude de cas sur l'histoire de l'évangélisation du Gabon,” (Mémoire de maîtrise, UNOB, 1983).Google Scholar

33. Ndombet, Wilson-André, “Histoire des Adjumba: la fin d'un peuple,” (Mémoire de licence, UNOB, 1983)Google Scholar; “Histoire des Adjumba,” (Mémoire de maîtrise, UNOB, 1984)Google Scholar; “Histoire des Ajumba du Gabon du XVe siècle à 1972,” (Thèse pour le nouveau doctorat de l'université, Université de Paris I, 1989).Google Scholar

34. See Coquery-Vidrovitch, Catherine, “A propos de ‘La pensée de Cheikh Anta Diop’ d'Alain Froment,” Cahiers d'Études africaines 32(1992), 135CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a criticism of this state of affairs.

35. The Congrégation du Saint-Esprit was the dominant Catholic missionary presence in colonial Gabon; historical documents relating to Gabon are housed in the order's Archives Générales, 12, rue du Père Mazurie, 94669 Chevilly-Larue, France.

36. Mbigui, Mathias, “Recherches sur l'histoire de Sindara (1858-1946),” (Mémoire de maîtrise, UNOB, 1984)Google Scholar and Mouanga-Mouloungui, Eugenie, “Contribution à l'histoire de Mouila des origines à 1971,” (Mémoire de maîtrise, UNOB, 1984) are two good examples.Google Scholar

37. Thirty years ago there remained but two Adjumba villages (see Raponda-Walker, , Notes, 60Google Scholar) and at present there exists only one Eviya village. In addition to Ndombet's work on the Adjumba, there is Mackaya-Mackanga, J. M., “Ethno-histoire des Ajumba: essai sur l'implantation des peuples du Gabon des origines à l'indépendence,” (Mémoire de maîtrise, UNOB, 1983).Google Scholar For the Eviya, Léonard Diderot Moutsinga Kebila, “Contribution à l'histoire Eviya,” (Mémoire de maîtrise, UNOB, 1989).Google Scholar Other “vanishing” peoples who have been the subject of mémoires de maîtrise are the Benga, the Varama, the Seki, and the Apindji (see appendix). The evolution of Gabonese ethnic identity is the focus of my own research; see Gray, Christopher, “Space, Ethnicity, and Colonial Rule in Southern Gabon, 1858-1940,” (Ph.D., Indiana University, 1994).Google Scholar

38. Mombo-Maganga, Charles, “Un siècle d'histoire Varama: seconde moitié du 19e siècle, première moitié du 20e siècle,” (Mémoire de maîtrise, UNOB, 1986).Google Scholar

39. Mombo-Maganga, , “Naissance et développement du pouvoir Gimondu chez les Varama au 15e siècle,” (Rapport de DEA, Université de Montpellier III, 1987).Google Scholar

40. Vansina, Jan, “The Ethnographic Account as a Genre in Central Africa,” Paideuma 33 (1987), 433–44.Google Scholar

41. Ibid., 434.

42. Mayer has published a useful inventory of migration accounts found in student research and has drawn extensively from mémoires de maîtrise in a recent historical study of the Gabonese family. See Mayer, Raymond, “Inventaire et recension de 130 récits migratoires originaux du Gabon,” Pholia 4 (1989), 171–216Google Scholar; and Mayer, , Histoire de la famille gabonaise (Libreville, 1992).Google Scholar

43. Inevitably, students complain of the difficulties in doing oral research in Gabon. Information about clan origins, initiation societies, and the past in general remains sensitive in a village setting and informants are not quick to open up to young university students who, despite their linguistic and cultural knowledge, may be as alien to village and clan elders as the foreign researcher. This point was made clear to me in conversations with Père Ghislain Mwanda, a Gabonese priest based in Mouila, who stated that university students often behave “comme les blancs” when they arrive in villages to gather oral testimony and thus provoke the suspicions of their informants (Interview Notes, VII, Pere Mwanda Ghislain, 27 September 1991).

44. Togo, Hortense, “La tradition orale des Apindji (Ngounié, Gabon): Origines du peuple, mode de vie, médecine, religion et ethique,” (Mémoire de maîtrise, UNOB, 1988).Google Scholar

45. Deschamps, , Traditions orales, 143–55.Google Scholar

46. Bucher, Henry H., “Archival Resources in Gabon,” History in Africa 1 (1974), 159–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

47. For the Ngounié and Nyanga provinces, documents have been transported and classified for the administrative posts of Mbigou, Tchibanga, Moabi, and Ndende. However, in Mouila, where there exist both regional and district archives from the colonial period, documents dating from the 1930s to independence sit pell-mell on shelves of no use to researchers. In Fougamou,the district archives are stored in a blockhouse behind the prefecture. When I consulted them in June 1991, we had to clear a path through tall grass to reach the blockhouse; the inside was musty with piles of documents stacked to the ceiling, prey to mice and insects, and waiting to tumble down on the researcher courageous enough to sort through them. A quick perusal revealed interesting material on the logging industry in the 1950s, but there are no funds available to protect or classify these documents; the Gabonese bureaucrats in Fougamou expressed regret about this situation but explained that they had more pressing problems. In Mimongo all colonial archival material was lost in a fire. By consulting Deschamps' 1962 inventory for these posts (Deschamps, , Traditions orales, 149–50Google Scholar), one sadly notes that valuable documents have either been lost or remain inaccessible to researchers. There exists a relevant mémoire: Nguema-Ndong, Thomas, “Repertoire analytique des principales sources historiques conservées au Gabon: des origines jusqu'à 1900,” (Mémoire de maîtrise, UNOB, 1984).Google Scholar

48. Among the different A.E.F. “séries” now available on microfilm are Série B Correspondence Générale, sous-série 2B “correspondence ancienne 1848-1912.” Série D Politique et Administration Générale, sous-série 4 (1) D “Rapports politiques-Gabon 1894-1945”; and sous-série 5D “Dossiers divers des Affaires politiques 1901-1956.”

49. Marchés Tropicaux (20 April 1990), 1090.Google Scholar

50. Anderson, Howard, “The Limits of Development Management: An Analysis of Agricultural Policy Implementation in Gabon” (Ph.D., Indiana University, 1987).Google Scholar

51. Marchés Tropicaux (11 September 1992), 2366–67Google Scholar; (29 January 1993), 284. See also my discussion of CICIBA in Gray, Chris, Conceptions of History in the Works of Cheikh Anta Diop and Theophile Obenga (London, 1989), 76–78Google Scholar; 105-06.

52. Merlet, Annie, Légendes et histoire des Myéné de l'Ogooué (Libreville, 1989)Google Scholar; Le pays des trois estuaires (Libreville, 1990)Google Scholar; Vers les plateaux de Masuku (Libreville, 1990)Google Scholar; and Autourdu Loango (Libreville, 1991).Google Scholar These books were published jointly by the Centre Culturel Français Saint-Exupéry in Libreville and Sépia publications in Paris. They are useful in that they allow easy access to historical information from early explorers like Robert Bruce Walker (André Raponda-Walker's father) and Paul Du Chaillu, as well as colonial figures like Brazza, Léon Guiral, Alfred Fourneau, and George Le Testu. In each volume Merlet provides introductory comments to the excerpted texts found in the second section of the books; as Merlet is a documentalist and not a trained historian her analysis is not particularly probing. For example, she does not subject the ethnic categories used by European explorers and administrators to critical scrutiny. The excerpted material is well-chosen, but page citations to the original publications are not given. Despite these shortcomings Merlet has performed a valuable service in gathering together a number of important sources in Gabonese history and making them available to a wider audience. The bibliographies to each book indicate the sources available in the “Fonds Gabon” and thus allow the researcher to get an idea of the scope of the collection.