1 Washington began his political career through the tutelage and inspiration of his father, Roy Washington, one of the first Black politicians in Chicago to leave the Republican Party. Shortly after his father's death in 1953, Alderman Ralph Metcalfe installed Washington into his father's jobs as lawyer in Chicago's Corporation Counsel and as precinct captain in the Third Ward. NAACP Questionnaire, June 30, 1972, Illinois State Representative Records, 1969–1976, box 6, folder 19, HWP; Special Collections and Preservation Division, “Chicago Works Together: Neighborhood Development in the Washington Years, 1983–1987 (pamphlet, special collections, Chicago Public Library, 1996).Google Scholar

2 Travis, Dempsey J. “Harold:” The People's Mayor (Chicago: Urban Research Press, 1989), 60–64.Google Scholar

3 Ibid., 52. The Cook County Democratic Organization is termed the “machine,” a hierarchical yet contested party bureaucracy whose leaders wield power through control of municipal elections and government. According to Washington's fascinating 1980 assessment, the machine controls the candidates (who runs for office?), the election machinery (who determines the rules?), “little” patronage (who gets public sector jobs?), and “big” patronage (who wins public contracts and accounts?). Travis, “Harold”, 120–121. See also the discussion of machine politics in William Grimshaw, Bitter Fruit: Black Politics and the Chicago Machine, 1931–1991 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 3–44.Google Scholar

4 Biles, Roger Big City Boss in Depression and War: Mayor Edward J. Kelly of Chicago (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1984), 137, 147–150; Hirsch, Arnold “Chicago: The Cook County Democratic Organization and the Dilemma of Race, 1931–1987,” in Snowbelt Cities, ed. Richard Bernard (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 66–71.Google Scholar

5 The most comprehensive works on 1980s Chicago politics of education are Hess, G. Alfred School Restructuring, Chicago Style (Newbury Park, CA: Corwin Press, 1991); Kyle, Charles and Kantowicz, Edward, Kids First—Primero Los Ninos: Chicago School Reform in the 1980s (Springfield: Illinois Issues, 1992); and Shipps, Dorothy “Big Business and School Reform: The Case of Chicago, 1988,” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1995). See also James Carl, “The Politics of Education in a New Key: The 1988 Chicago School Reform Act and the 1990 Milwaukee Parental Choice Program (Ph.D. diss, University of Wisconsin, 1995); Katz, Michael “Chicago School Reform as History,” Teachers College Record 94 (Fall 1992): 56–72; Mirel, Jeffrey “School Reform, Chicago Style: Educational Innovation in an Urban Context, 1976–1991,” Urban Education 28 (July 1993): 116–149; Moore, Donald “Voice and Choice in Chicago,” in Choice and Control in American Education Vol. 2, ed. William Clune and John Witte (New York: Falmer Press, 1990), 153–198; O'Connell, Mary School Reform, Chicago Style: How Citizens Organized to Change Public Policy (Chicago: Center for Neighborhood Technology, 1991); and Shipps, Dorothy “The Invisible Hand: Big Business and Chicago School Reform,” Teachers College Record 99 (Fall 1997): 73–116.Google Scholar

6 Rury, John and Mirel, Jeffrey, “The Political Economy of Urban Education,” Review of Research in Education 22, ed. Apple, Michael (Washington, D.C.: AERA, 1997), 49.Google Scholar

7 Squires, Gregory et al., Chicago: Race, Class, and the Response to Urban Decline (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1987), 27–29; Alkalimat, Abdul and Gills, Doug, Harold Washington and the Crisis of Black Power in Chicago (Chicago: Twenty-First Century Books, 1989), 13–14.Google Scholar

8 Massey, Douglas and Denton, Nancy, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 45; Teaford, Jon Cities of the Heartland: the Rise and Fall of the Industrial Midwest (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), 230–234, 239–243; Davis, Mike “Magical Urbanism: Latinos Reinvent the US Big City,” New Left Review 234 (March/April 1999): 4; and U.S. Census 1950, 1960, 1970, 1980.Google Scholar

9 Kleppner, Paul Chicago Divided: the Making of a Black Mayor (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1985), 55; Chicago Public Schools, The State Report Card for 1991–1992: An Analysis of the First Seven Years, Department of Research, Evaluation, and Planning, November, 1992; Advisory Panel on Integration of the Public Schools, “Report to the Board of Education of the City of Chicago, March 31, 1964” (referred to as “Hauser Report”), 16; Shipps, “Big Business,” 248.Google Scholar

10 Hirsch, Arnold Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940–1960 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 9–13; Kleppner, Chicago Divided, 41–50; Squires, Chicago, 109; and U.S. Census, 1950 and 1980.Google Scholar

11 Hirsch, “Chicago,“ 64; Grimshaw, Bitter Fruit, 20–21, 115–117; Allswang, John “Richard J. Daley, America's Last Boss,“ in The Mayors: the Chicago Political Tradition, ed. Green, Paul and Holli, Melvin (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1987), 144; Cohen, Adam and Taylor, Elizabeth, American Pharaoh: Mayor Richard J. Daley (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 2000), 171–174; Anderson, Alan and Pickering, George, Confronting the Color Line: the Broken Promise of the Civil Rights Movement in Chicago (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 237–269; Royko, Mike Boss: Richard J. Daley of Chicago (New York: Dutton, 1971), 164–165; and Gills, Alkalimat and Harold Washington, 20.Google Scholar

12 Grimshaw, Bitter Fruit, 86 110–111; Travis, “Harold”, 65, 70–71; Washington to Committee for a Black Mayor, September 14, 1974, State Rep. Records, box 6, folder 11b; Memo from Washington to Lu Palmer, February 7, 1973, State Rep. Records, box 3, folder 14; McGriggs, Lee “Toward a Theory on Black Legislative Politics,“ unpublished paper, 1973, State Rep. Records, box 3, folder 11, all in HWP.Google Scholar

13 Levinson, Florence Harold Washington: A Political Biography (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 1983), 101–103; Form letter from Washington to constituents, State Rep. Records, November 23, 1973, box 6, folder 20; McClory, Robert “Harold Washington—a Leader with a Proud Past,” The Reader, February 22, 1980, excerpted in “Washington for Congress” campaign pamphlet, 1980, State Senatorial Records, box 11, folder 15; Press release, on King holiday, October 18, 1973, State Rep. Records, box 6, folder 16, all in HWP.Google Scholar

14 Homel, Michael Down From Equality: Black Chicagoans and the Public Schools, 1920–1941 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1984); Drake, Clair St. and Cayton, Horace, Black Metropolis: a Study of Negro Life in a Northern City (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1945), 202, 281. For 1950s responses to segregated schools, see Faith Rich's article, “De Facto Segregation in the Chicago Public Schools,” Crisis 65 (February 1958), 87–93, 126–27.Google Scholar

15 Rury, John “Race, Space, and the Politics of Chicago's Public Schools: Benjamin Willis and the Tragedy of Urban Education,“ History of Education Quarterly 39 (Summer 1999: 126; Pickering, Anderson and Confronting, 127–133.Google Scholar

16 Pickering, Anderson and Confronting, 223–233; Ralph, James Northern Protest: Martin Luther King, Jr., Chicago, and the Civil Rights Movement (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 84–5 and 114–24; Taylor, Cohen and American Pharaoh, 427–429. Movement participant Timuel Black recalls Washington's help in organizing the early 1960s “Protest at the Polls” and as a speaker at meetings of Teachers Committee for Quality Education, a reform group of primarily-black CPS educators. In his early years in the assembly, Washington worked for civil rights legislation, but relied on two white liberal representatives, Robert Mann and Abner Mikva, to sponsor the bills. Timuel Black interview with author, Chicago, January 13, 2000. Participant Hal Baron recalls Washington as the only black machine official to attend CCCO and CFM functions. Hal Baron interview with author, Chicago, January 13, 2000.Google Scholar

17 Illinois, State of Journal of the House of Representatives, January 4, 1967-May 9, 1967, 791; June 20, 1967-October 19, 1967, 5618-1619. This resolution anticipated the demands of black students at 1968 protests at high schools undergoing racial transition, and it reflects one of the aims of the Teachers Committee for Quality Education. Mary Herrick, The Chicago Schools: A Social and Political History (Beverley Hills: Sage, 1971), 363–4; Black interview; “Teachers Committee for Quality Education,” box 2, Timuel Black Papers, Chicago Historical Society.Google Scholar

18 Pickering, Anderson and Confronting, 107 471n. 1.Google Scholar

19 Illinois, Journal of the House of Representatives, June 26, 1967 and June 30, 1967, 5381–5382, 5671.Google Scholar

20 The best analysis on the fallout of the Redmond Plan is Peterson, Paul School Politics, Chicago Style (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), 143–185. Illinois, Journal of the House of Representatives, September 12, 1967, 6171–6181.Google Scholar

21 Washington, Harold “Washington Speaks from Springfield: Anti-block Busting Laws Signify Racism,“ c. 1974, State Rep. Records, box 6, folder 16 and box 3, folder 12, HWP; Illinois Legislative Reference Bureau, Final Legislative Synopsis and Digest, 76th General Assembly (1969), HB-2380, 1331.Google Scholar

22 King, Martin Luther Jr., Where Do We Go From Here (New York: Harper and Row, 1967), 195–6; Peterson, School Politics, 143; Pickering, Anderson and Confronting, 334–335; Herrick, The Chicago Schools, 348.Google Scholar

23 Daley agreed in 1965 to admit more African-American apprentices to Washburne. As a result of efforts by Washington and others, black enrollment increased from 3.4 percent in 1965 to 12.1 percent in 1971. Yet by 1984 Washburne was still over 70 percent white, a testament to the long-standing resistance of the skilled trades to admitting Black apprentices. G. Alfred Hess, “Renegotiating a Multicultural Society: Participation in Desegregation Planning in Chicago,” in Journal of Negro Education 53 (1984): 142; Testimony Before the U.S. Government Panel Inquiring into Discrimination in the Construction Industry,” September 29, 1969, pp. 3–5, State Rep. Records, box 4, folder 9, HWP; James Deanes interview with author, Chicago, January 11, 2000; Compton, James “Beyond Washburne Trade School,” Chicago Defender, November 4, 1987, p. 10.Google Scholar

24 Black interview; The Washington Papers, 1980, p. 59, State Sen. Records, box 12, folder 13.Google Scholar

25 Kustra, Joyce “State Aid to Schools,“ Illinois Issues, June 1977, 4, in State Sen. Records, box 13, folder 8, HWP; Hess, G. Alfred The Inequality in Illinois School Finance (Chicago: EdEquity Coalition, 1991), 1, 31; The Mayor's Education Summit, “An Agenda for the Reform of the Chicago Public Schools,” Chicago, 1988, p. 34; Budget, Illinois “School District Receipts by Region,“ p. 7, Community Services Series, Education Subseries, box 30, folder 20, HWP.Google Scholar

26 Chicago Teachers Union Questionnaire, August 8, 1972, and League of Women Voters of Cook County Questionnaire, July 21, 1972, both in State Rep. Records, box 6, folder 19, HWP.Google Scholar

27 For an overview of Catholic responses to the in-migration of African Americans and the out-migration of European Americans, see John McGreevy, Parish Boundaries: The Catholic Encounter with Race in the Urban North (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996). CTU Questionnaire; Fornero, George “The Expansion and Decline of Secondary Schools in the Archdiocese of Chicago, 1955–1980: A Historical Study,“ Journal of the Midwest History of Education Society 21 (1994): 108; Harris, Ron “Providence-St. Mel: The School that Refused to Die,” Ebony, December 1978; William Grimshaw telephone interview with author, January 29, 1997. For two years in elementary school, Washington attended St. Benedict the Moor, a boarding school in Milwaukee that served Black professionals. Washington disliked the regimentation (Travis, “Harold“, pp. 3–5), and it is doubtful that he supported parochial schools out of any belief in a Catholic school mystique.Google Scholar

28 The machine did not wield the same power by the late seventies. A pair of laws (the Shakman decrees) reduced patronage in municipal firing and hiring, and Black voters no longer delivered for machine candidates in the numbers they once did.Google Scholar

29 Sun Times Questionnaire, March 28, 1977; Washington, Harold “Program for a Working City,“ 1977 p. 4, both in State Sen. Records, box 11, folder 3, HWP.Google Scholar

30 Washington, Harold “A Program to Get Chicago's People Working,“ 1977 pp. 1–2; Washington, Harold “Program for a Working City,“ 1977 pp. 4–7, both in State Sen. Records, box 11, folder 3, HWP.Google Scholar

31 “Program for a Working City,” 1977; Sun Times Questionnaire.Google Scholar

32 Suro, Roberto “Last-minute Flurry the School Bd, Why?“, Sun-Times, September 5, 1977, p. 4; Rutherford, Kay and Sura, Roberto, “Bogan Protest Walkout; Arrest 27,” Sun Times September 14, 1977, p. 3 (clippings in State Sen. Records, box 13, folder 3); “Senator Harold Washington: Your Man in Springfield Reports,” October 1977, State Sen. Records, box 11, folder 15, HWP. The “freedom of choice” slogan gained currency in southern states in the 1960s as a strategy for white-controlled districts to maintain segregated schools.Google Scholar

33 Travis, “Harold,” 115; Grimshaw interview.Google Scholar

34 Shipps, “Big Business,“ 242–247; Kantowicz, Kyle and Kids First, 34; The Washington Papers [1st Version], 1980, pp. 54–5, State Sen. Records, box 12, folder 13, HWP.Google Scholar

35 The Washington Papers, 55–7, 60–2.Google Scholar

36 Ibid, 57–60. There was some disagreement in the Washington camp over desegregation. According to William Grimshaw, the primary author of the education section, an initial draft was prepared that relied more on desegregation. Washington overruled this, however, stating there was little support for desegregation among his constituents. Grimshaw telephone interview; The Washington Papers [2nd Version], 1980, p. 83; State Sen. Records, box 13, folder 1, HWP; and The Washington Papers [1st Version], pp. 57–60.Google Scholar

37 Clark, David and Astuto, Terry, “The Significance and Permanence of Changes in Federal Education Policy,” Educational Researcher (October, 1986): 5–7; U.S. Congress, Congressional Record, 97th Cong., 1st Sess., March 11, 1981, pp. 4075–6; and 2d Sess., January 26, 1982, pp. 212–213, January 29, 1982, pp. 524–525, June 8, 1982, pp. 12966–7.Google Scholar

38 Kleppner, Chicago Divided, pp. 50–62.Google Scholar

39 For scholarship on Washington's election, see Alkalimat and Gills, Harold Washington; Grimshaw, Bitter Fruit; Holli, Melvin and Green, Paul, eds., The Making of the Mayor, Chicago, 1983 (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1984); Kleppner, Chicago Divided; and Travis, “Harold.” Google Scholar

40 Grimshaw, Bitter Fruit, 186–187; Coleman, Slim and Atkins, George, Fair Share (Chicago: Justice Graphics, 1989).Google Scholar

41 Position Papers’ Education, “Working Paper on Education,” 1982, pp. 1–11; Background Information for Working Paper on Education, 1982, pp. 1–12, Mayoral Campaign Records, box 42, HWP.Google Scholar

42 Washington Transition Committee, “Toward a Prosperous, Compassionate, and Efficient Chicago: Policy Recommendations,” September, 1983, pp. 57–68; Mirel, “School Reform, Chicago Style“: 128–9; Kantowicz, Kyle and Kids First, 215.Google Scholar

43 Citizen Nominating Committee for Board of Education, Report for 1987 Nominating Round, p. 4, Education Subseries, box 30, folder 2, HWP.Google Scholar

44 After the 1979 financial crisis that triggered Superintendent Joseph Hannon's resignation, the school board appointed Angeline Caruso (white) acting superintendent, instead of her immediate superior, Redmond-promoted Deputy Superintendent Manford Byrd (Black). It had reached a point in Black Chicago, in which the appointment of a Black superintendent became a key demand, and in 1981 Byrne's board hired Love. Nevertheless, many in Chicago's Black community supported Byrd in 1979 and 1981, while others supported erstwhile CPS administrator Barbara Sizemore, who had become superintendent of the Washington, D.C. schools. Black interview; Kleppner, Chicago Divided, 59–61; Kantowicz, Kyle and Kids First, 32–37; Weele, Maribeth Vander Reclaiming Our Schools (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1994), 160.Google Scholar

45 Baron, Hal correspondence with author, January 18, 2000. There is some evidence that Washington envisioned a series of summits on “housing, education, jobs, health care, and infrastructure.” Coleman and Atkins, Fair Share, 14.Google Scholar

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47 The partnership consisted of eight business groups, of which the most powerful were Chicago United and the Civic Committee, two offshoots of the Civic Club, for nearly a century corporate Chicago's key social policy organization. Shipps, “Invisible hand”: 92. Parent/Community Council, “A Brief History of the Mayor's Education Summit,” Undated information sheet; Hess, School Restructuring, p. 74; Kantowicz, Kyle and Kids First, 188.Google Scholar

48 Baron interview. The Mayor's Education Summit, minutes of the Business Support Options Workgroup, November 3, 1986, Education Subseries, box 31, folder 12; “Chicago Partnership for Educational Progress Proposal to Chicago Board of Education/Chicago Public Schools,” July 9, 1987, Education Subseries, box 30, folder 19, both in HWP.Google Scholar

49 Chicago Public Schools, “Proposed Revisions to Proposal by Chicago Partnership for Educational Progress,” July 17, 1987, Education Subseries, box 30, folder 19, HWP.Google Scholar

50 Chicago Partnership for Educational Progress memo to the Hiring Compact Delegation and the Chicago Board of Education/Chicago Public Schools, August 3, 1987, Education Subseries, box 30, folder 19, HWP. The 1981 Chicago United task force had also recommended CPS reduce its central office staff, and a July 1987 audit of CPS's implementation of the 1981 study found that CPS ignored this recommendation. It must have been galling to business leaders that CPS officials used the 1981 study to justify asking corporate Chicago for money.Google Scholar

51 Memo from Toni Preckwinkle to Hal Baron and Kari Moe, April 28, 1986, Education Subseries, box 30, folder 20; Undated draft of Chicago's Preliminary Response to Board of Education and Chicago Partnership, Education Subseries, box 30, folder 19, both in HWP. Washington won reelection by defeating Jane Byrne in the primary and machine chair Edward Vrdolyak in the general election. After his defeat, Vrdolyak resigned his chairmanship and was replaced by George Dunn, the only white machine regular to support Washington after his 1983 victory in the primary. Educators were essential to Washington's reelection. For example, to counteract machine dominance of election officials, his campaign turned to Manford Byrd and Jackie Vaughn to help fill 2,200 polling place vacancies. Chinta Strausberg, “Teachers Asked to Fill Election Officer Slots,” Chicago Defender, February 17, 1987, p. 1.Google Scholar

52 Strausberg, Chinta “Mayor Releases Federal Agenda in Wake of Cuts,“ Chicago Defender, March 25, 1987, p. 1; Bratcher, Juanita “Budget Ax Falls Hard,“ Chicago Defender, July 22, 1987, p. 1, 3; Bratcher, Juanita “School's Out; Picket Lines In,“ Chicago Defender, September 9, 1987; O'Connell, 2.Google Scholar

53 Bratcher, Juanita “School Strike Enters Second Week,“ Chicago Defender, September 14, 1987; Strausberg, Chinta “Officials Push Effort for a Lottery Boycott,“ Chicago Defender, September 16, 1987, p. 9; Bratcher, Juanita “Citywide Coalition Fighting to get Schools Open Again,“ Chicago Defender, September 16, 1987, p. 10; Strausberg, Chinta “Demand School Overhaul; Lawsuit Expected Tuesday,“ Chicago Defender, September 21, 1987, p. 1 (quote on p. 23); Bratcher, Juanita “Strike, Rallies Continue,“ Chicago Defender, September 23, 1987; Kantowicz, Kyle and 181–182; O'Connell, p. 3.Google Scholar

54 Ryan, Nancy and Banas, Casey, “Parents Urge Mayor to Act in School Crisis,” Chicago Tribune, September 17, 1987; Kantowicz, Kyle and Kids First, 182–183; Strausberg, Chinta “Mayor Berates Media,” Chicago Defender, October 1, 1987, p. 1; Bratcher, Juanita “Pressure by Public Broke up Deadlock,” Chicago Defender, October 5, 1987, p. 1, 3; Poinsett, Alex “School reform, black leaders: Their impact on each other,” Catalyst 1 (May 1990): 7. Indeed, some African-American parents used just such a strategy during the 1985 teachers strike and were arrested. Deanes interview.Google Scholar

55 Memorandum of Understanding, Mayor's Education Summit Proposal, October 3, 1987, Education Subseries, box 31, folder 24, “The Strike is Over: The Work Begins,” statement by Harold Washington, October 3, 1987, Education Subseries, box 31, folder 9; Proposed Mission Statement Education Summit, Parent/Community Council, Education Subseries, box 31, folder 24; all in HWP.Google Scholar

56 The mayor's office had been concerned since the spring with several Chicago school decentralization bills circulating in Springfield. One proposed breaking CPS into 20 autonomous districts; two were backed by Designs for Change and a coalition organized by former State Secretary of Education Michael Bakalis. Of the latter bills, one called for the creation of two semi-autonomous CPS districts under a central board of education, while the other proposal, not yet introduced, would reduce the mayor's appointments to half of the board of education and create governing councils at each school with authority to hire and fire school principals and teachers, help set the school's curriculum, and control the school's discretionary budget. Washington believed that downstate lawmakers sought to remove the public schools from the authority of an African-American mayor. Alton Miller, Harold Washington: The Mayor, the Man (Chicago: Bonus Books, 1989), 305–6; Memo from Baron to Washington regarding decentralization of CPS, May 8, 1987, Education Subseries, box 30, folder 18; Memo from Baron to Washington, October 5, 1987, Education Subseries, box 31, folder 9, both in HWP.Google Scholar

57 Banas, Casey “Mayor Tilts Spotlight to Reform,“ Chicago Tribune, October 4, 1987, p. 14; Kantowicz, Kyle and Kids First, 186, 189–90; Baron interview.Google Scholar

58 The mayor's education summit, “An agenda for the Reform of the Chicago Public Schools,” pp. xii-xiii, 3. The proportional representation on the 54-person summit can be grouped according to the following interests: business, 11, PCC, 10, higher education, 5, African American civic groups, 4, Latino civic groups, 4, teachers, 3, Catholic church, 3, ministers, 2, foundations, 2, school principals, 1, Chicago Panel, 1, DFC, 1, League of Women voters, 1, Chicago Housing Authority, 1, Parent Teachers Association, 1, Independent Schools, 1.Google Scholar

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60 Houston, Jack “Mayor: We'll clean up schools,“ Chicago Tribune, November 8, 1987, p. 3; Proposed mission statement—Education Summit, Parent Community Council, undated, Education Subseries, box 31, folder 24, HWP. The Northwest Regional Education Lab is one of ten private organizations funded by the U.S. Dept. of Education and designed to assist districts and states.Google Scholar

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65 Dougherty, Jack “'That's When we were Marching for Jobs': Black Teachers and the Early Civil Rights Movement in Milwaukee,“ History of Education Quarterly 38 (Summer 1998: 121–41.Google Scholar

66 Peterson, Paul for example, noted considerable black opposition in the South Shore to the Redmond Plan. Peterson, School Politics, 165–171.Google Scholar

67 Fraser, Steve and Gerstle, Gary, eds., The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 1930–1980 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989).Google Scholar

68 Goldfield, Michael The Color of Politics: Race and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: New Press, 1997). See also Nancy Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politicians in the Age of FDR (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983).Google Scholar

69 Gerstle, Fraser and “Introduction,“ in The Rise and Fall, ix.Google Scholar