1 Previous versions of this paper were given at the University of Leeds, the Queen’s University of Belfast, the University of Ulster at Coleraine, and the University of Toronto. I am very grateful for the comments of members of the audience on those occasions. My thanks also go to Kent Fedorowich, Georgina Sinclair and an anonymous referee for their constructive criticism.

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4 Howe, Ireland & empire, p. 198.

5 ‘The Imperial Economic Conference, 1923: confidential report by the minister of commerce’, Nov. 1923 (P.R.ON.I., CAB/8F/11/1).

6 McMahon, Deirdre, ‘Ireland, the Empire and the Commonwealth’ in Kenny, (ed.), Ireland & the British Empire, p. 209.Google Scholar

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8 Anon., ‘Ireland: an Australian impression’ in Round Table, 13 (1923), esp. pp 795-9Google Scholar; anon., ‘The Irish boundary question’ in ibid., 15 (1924), pp 24–47; anon., ‘Dyarchy in Ulster’ in ibid., 16 (1926), pp 736–7 drew attention to the fact that Northern Ireland was neither a dominion, a province nor a Crown colony, that it had less control over its affairs than a dominion, but also that, unlike a Crown colony, it had responsible government.

9 ‘Premier Massey’s Ulster visit’, commemorative brochure by Robertson, , Ledlie, , Ferguson & Co. Ltd, Manufacturing Warehousemen (Belfast, 1923) (P.R.O.N.I., PM/6/13).Google Scholar

10 Ibid.

11 Typed extract from Lady Craig’s diary, 14 Jan. 1924 (P.R.O.N.I., Craig papers, D/1415/B/38).Google Scholar

12 Daul, F. to SirCraig, James, 9 June 1925 (P.R.O.N.I., PM/6/1).Google Scholar

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16 See the obituary of Evelyn Wrench in The Times, 12 Nov. 1966.

17 Ibid., 3 Feb. 1922.

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20 The Times, 6 July 1938.

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22 Viscount Craigavon to Lieutenant-Colonel Sir William Wayland, 19 May 1939, ibid. Wayland was chairman of the Empire Day Movement. For a useful assessment of this organisation, see Hume, David, ‘The Empire Day Movement in Ireland, 1896–1962’ in Jeffery, (ed.), ‘An Irish empire’?, pp 149-68.Google Scholar

23 Typed extract from Lady Craig’s diary, 2 Sept. 1926 (P.R.O.N.I., Craig papers, D/1415/B/38).Google Scholar

24 See, in particular, the valuable study by Greer, Alan, ‘Sir James Craig and the construction of Parliament Buildings at Stormont’ in I.H.S., xxxi, no. 123 (1999), pp 373-88Google Scholar; Officer, David, ‘In search of order, permanence and stability: building Stormont, 1921–32’ in English, Richard and Walker, Graham (eds), Unionism in modern Ireland (Basingstoke & London, 1996), pp 130-47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

25 For examples, see typed extracts from Lady Craig’s diary, 2, 16, 20 Sept. 1926 (P.R.O.N.I., Craig papers, D/1415/B/38).Google Scholar

26 Craig, James, ‘We will be British’ in Sunday Dispatch, 9 Apr. 1933.Google Scholar

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28 Address of welcome from the Orangemen and Orangewomen of the province of Manitoba to the Right Honourable Sir James Craig, 27 Sept. 1926 (ibid., D1415/D/10).

29 Johnson, D. S., ‘Northern Ireland as a problem in the Economic War, 1932–38’ in I.H.S., xxii, no. 86 (1980), pp 144-61.Google Scholar

30 Irish Times, 20 May 1932.

31 R. Dunn of Dunn, Johnston & Co., Linen and Woollen Wholesalers, Belfast to Viscount Craigavon, 7 May 1932 (P.R.O.N.I., CAB/9F/123/1).Google Scholar

32 Belfast Telegraph, 25 May 1932.

33 Scott, W. D. to SirBlackmore, Charles, 10 May 1932 ((P.R.O.N.I., CAB/9F/123/1).Google Scholar

34 Ward Pirie, J. to Craigavon, , 14 Nov. 1932 (P.R.O.N.I., CAB/9F/123/7); for further appreciation of this, see the joint memorandum of the Ulster Tourist Development Association and the Ulster Industries Development Association on ‘Publicity during the visit of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales’, Oct. 1932(P.R.O.N.I., CAB/9F/123/1).Google Scholar

35 For a general account, see Loughlin, James , ‘Northern Ireland and British fascism in the inter-war years’ in I.H.S., xxix, no. 119 (1995), pp 537-52Google Scholar. Rothermere’s forays into politics are examined in Addison, Paul, ‘Patriotism under pressure: Lord Rothermere and British foreign policy’ in Peele, Gillian and Cook, Chris (eds), The politics of reappraisal, 1918–1939 (London & Basingstoke, 1975), pp 189–208.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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37 Rosalind Brandreth of Goodwill Holiday Parties to the secretary of the Ulster Tourist Association, 25 June 1932 (P.R.O.N.I., CAB/9F/123/1).Google Scholar

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39 W. G. S. Ballentine to J. Milne Barbour, 31 Mar. 1932 (P.R.ON.I., COM/62/1/271); M. R. Whitham to J. Milne Barbour 8 Apr. 1932 (ibid.).

40 The best discussion of this is McMahon, Deirdre’s Republicans and imperialists: Anglo-Irish relations in the 1930s (New Haven & London, 1984), esp. pp 74-9Google Scholar; see also Canning, Paul, British policy towards Ireland, 1921–1941 (Oxford, 1985), pp 137, 139, 150.Google Scholar

41 Belfast News-Letter, 23 July 1932. This newspaper substituted ‘John’ for ‘Seán’ when referring to both O’Kelly and Lemass.

42 Belfast Telegraph, 29 Aug. 1932.

43 Ulster Industries Development Association, memorandum on helping the Empire, May 1932 (P.R.O.N.I., COM/62/1/271).

44 Belfast Telegraph, 13 Sept. 1939.

45 The background is discussed in Ollerenshaw, Philip, ‘War, industrial mobilisation and society in Northern Ireland, 1939–1945’ in Contemporary European History, 16 (2007), pp 169-97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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47 R.U.C. report on the first meeting of the Anti-Partition meeting in Dungannon, 20 Nov. 1945 (P.R.O.N.I., HA/32/1/900).Google Scholar

48 Longbottom, H. D. to SirBrooke, Basil, 10 July 1948 (P.R.O.N.I., CAB/9B/201/5); The Western Mail, 26 Oct. 1948, reported de Valera’s hostile reception at a Cardiff Business Club lunch, and his plans to speak at a dinner and reception to over 300 supporters organised by the Welsh executive council of the Anti-Partition League in Cardiff. On countering the impact of de Valera’s speeches on this tour of Scotland, England and South Wales, see Note on Anti-Partition activity by the minister of finance (J. M. Sinclair), 9 July 1948 (P.R.O.N.I., CAB/9B/201/5).Google Scholar

49 For a valuable discussion of some aspects of this, see McIntosh, Gillian, The force of culture: Unionist identities in twentieth-century Ireland (Cork, 1999), esp. ch. 4–6.Google Scholar

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51 Notice of a debate at the Cambridge Union, 17 May 1938 (ibid.).

52 J. Milne Barbour to Craigavon, 27 Oct. 1938 (P.R.O.N.I., CAB/9F/123/2); Sir Roland Nugent, confidential memorandum on publicity, 7 Oct. 1938 (ibid.).

53 Anon., , ‘Ireland re-emerges’ in Round Table, 35 (1945), pp 307-13Google Scholar, has one of the earliest assessments of ways in which the Dublin government assisted the Allies during the war.

54 Eisenhower also received an honorary LL.D. from Queen’s University; see the government press release, 24 Aug. 1945 (P.R.O.N.I., CAB/9 A/7/52).

55 Reply by Field Marshal Montgomery on being made an honorary burgess of the city of Belfast, 14 Sept. 1945 (P.R.ON.I., CAB/9 A/7/55).

56 Reply by Field Marshal Montgomery on receiving the Freedom of Londonderry, 15 Sept. 1945 (ibid.).

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60 Ibid., 13 Nov. 1945.

61 Ibid., 3 Oct. 1945.

62 ‘Government publicity: a short résumé since 1922’, 1944 (P.R.O.N.I., PM/5/31/4).

63 Sir William Crawford to Sir Basil Brooke, 28 June 1946 (ibid.).

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68 The story was denied by Brooke. What had actually happened was that William Lowry, M.P. for Derry City and minister of home affairs, had responded to a nationalist M.P. who had remarked that an Orange Hall near Portrush had been used by U.S. military service personnel to celebrate Mass by saying that ‘preparations are being made for its fumigation’. The U.S. forces sought and received an apology from Lowry. See Lowry to Most Revd. Dr Farren, Roman Catholic bishop of Derry and vicar delegate to the U.S. forces, Nov. 1943 (P.R.O.N.I., CAB/9B/205/1). Brooke was questioned about this story in the U.S., Canada and also on his return to Liverpool.

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73 Bessie Ross to Sir Basil Brooke, 19 May 1950 (ibid.).

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79 Belfast Telegraph, 15 Oct. 1954.

80 Northern Whig, 18 Dec. 1954.

81 Irish Independent, 3 Jan. 1955.

82 Northern Whig, 3 Jan. 1955.

83 Irish News, 3 Jan. 1955.

84 Belfast News-Letter, 15 Feb. 1955; Irish News, 15 Feb. 1955.

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