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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 23 December 2013
§ 1. Introductory. The history of Euboia during its occupation by the Latins is, according to Mr. Freeman, ‘the most perplexed part of the perplexed Greek history of the time.’ If we turn for information on the subject to Finlay, our one English authority on the period, we find no attempt at a consecutive account of it, merely some allusions; the history of Negroponte is a missing chapter in Finlay, which the present paper is an attempt to supply. It is also hoped that it will help to clear up some of the perplexities which beset the subject.
Before Hopf the history of this island was almost a blank. Historical investigations concerning the Franks in Romania may be divided into three periods, represented by Ducange in the seventeenth century, Buchon 1825–1846, and Hopf 1850–1870. Buchon's publication of the 
(with which Ducange indeed had become acquainted, but not until his Histoire de Constantinople sous les Empereurs français had been published), his discovery of the Livre de la Conqueste in Brussels, the new documents, treaties and diplomas, which he brought to light, opened a new era and stimulated a fresh study of the ‘perplexed’ history. Nothing was required now but German diligence and exhaustiveness to ransack archives and fill up the gaps, and German accuracy to correct the slips made by that französische Nonchalance of which Hopf says even Buchon was occasionally (stellenweise) guilty.
page 309 note 1 Historical Geography, p. 423.
page 309 note 2 A good account of the Greek chronicle and its language will be found in Mr.Tozer, H. F.'s interesting article ‘The Franks in the Peloponnese,’ Hellenic Journal, iv., p. 165, sqq.Google Scholar
page 310 note 1 In 1856 an Italian translation by G. B. Sardagna appeared, with additions and changes by the author. I have not been able to procure a copy.
page 312 note 1 Buchon, , Recherches et Mat. i. 10.Google Scholar
page 312 note 2 ‘Domino Marco Sanuto et domino Ravano de Verona recipientibus procuratorio nomine pro domino Henrico Dandulo’ etc. Navagero (Muratori, S. R. L. xxiii. 984) mentions that, ‘Ser Marco Sanudo e Don Romano dalla Carcere Veronese’ arranged the cession of Crete.
page 313 note 1 It is generally recognised that Negroponte is a corruption of Evripos pronounced vulgarly Egripos. This seems quite proven by the form Aegripons (Aigrepont) which we also find used by the Latins, e.g. by Pope Innocent III. (Epist. xi. 256) Episcopatum Aegripontis. The initial n must be explained by a false separation (cf. the English words newt, nickname) in the expression's τὸν Ἔγριπον, which became sto Negripon (cf. Ellissen, , Analekten, ii. p. 19)Google Scholar. The bridge at Chalkis was a remarkable feature which would impress a visitor: it was not unnatural then that the instinct of Volksetymologie should form Negroponte. In Latin works of Italian chroniclers we also find Pons Niger, e.g. in the Historia Gul. et Alb. Cortusiorum de Novitatitus Paduae et Lombardiae, Bk. x., c. 7 I noticed ‘carcerantur in Ponte Nigro,’ and just below ‘Nigropontem intraverunt.’ In Villehardouin's Conquête the island is called Nigre, and the town, Nigrepont. Nigre is curious. The French evidently interpreted Nigrepont, as they called Chalkis, ‘the bridge of Nigre,’ and supposed Nigre, which suggested no idea, to be the name of the island.
page 314 note 1 I have deduced this division from the division of 1216.
page 314 note 2 Henri de Valenciennes, c. xx.; p. 368, ed. de Wailly, Natalis (3rd ed.).Google Scholar
page 314 note 3 Id. c. xxxiii.; p. 404.
page 315 note 1 Id. c. xxxvi.; p. 412.
page 317 note 1 Pertz, , Mon. Hist. Germ. xvi. 12.Google Scholar
page 318 note 1 Ep. xi. 117 is a letter addressed ‘Nobilibus viris dominis Nigripontis,’ bidding them pay the tithes due to the Theban Ecclesia.
page 318 note 2 The possessions of the Templars in Euboia are detailed in Letter xiii. 146, which is addressed to them: ‘domum Nigripontis cum his quae habet in Nigroponte et domum de Lageran et casale de Oizparis cum eorum pertinentiis ac alia quae tenetis in insula Nigripontis.’ These grants were made by Ravano, Jaques d'Avesnes and Giberto (Gubertus).
page 318 note 3 Innocent's letter to Berard in which he removes the ban (misericorditer dispensare) is dated 27th May, 1212. The dispensation is on condition that no agreement had been made between Ravano and the lady during her husband's life-time, and that she had not been instrumental in contriving her husband's death. This condition makes the affair look somewhat suspicious.
page 318 note 4 Episcopatum … Abelonensem, Zorconesem, Caristiensem (Inn. Ep. xi. 256).
page 320 note 1 
page 321 note 2 Buchon, , Chron. Etr. p. 63.Google Scholar
page 324 note 1 Navagero, who in these matters is not accurate, says: ‘Era nel dominio di quella città un terzo pervenuto per successione di madre il principe d'Achaia, restati gli altri due terzi nella familia dalle Carceri’ (p. 997).
page 325 note 1 That is 700 hyperpers each. The tribute originally arranged was 2100 gold hyperpers, see § 7.
page 325 note 2 The treaty was renewed again on May 6th, 1258, with the new Bailo Barozzi, with two modifications: the war was to be confined to Romania, and the power of concluding peace was restricted to the Doge. Among the witnesses were Buturello dalle Carceri, a brother of Grapella, and Marzio Zuglano, podestà of the Venetian settlement in Negroponte.
page 325 note 3 Otho de Cicon was third son of Jacques de Cicon and Sibylla, a daughter of Pons Flagey, a younger brother of Otho de la Roche.
page 325 note 4 This Morosini was procurator of William, and this must be connected with the fact stated by Hopf that Carintana had invested him with a sixth of the island, i.e., her whole property; but Morosini was not a hexarch.
page 326 note 1 Navagero calls them ‘i due compadroni.’
page 328 note 1 In practice exceptions seem to have been made. Hopf mentions the cases of D. Moro and Enrico Trevisani who received investitures of fiefs from the Bailo in 1256 for 20 years and were allowed, Villehardouin consenting, to retain them.
page 330 note 1 The salary of the Bailo was 450, that of the Castellan 250 gold hyperpers. In 1249 two councillors were appointed to assist the Bailo, and in the following year the duty of collecting the revenue was consigned to them. The office of the Bailo according to Navagero (p. 997) was to administer ‘ragion sommaria’ to the Venetians who were in Negroponte.
page 331 note 1 Quoted by Hopf, in his Abhandlung on Karystos, Sitzungsber. der Wiener Akad., 1853.Google Scholar
page 335 note 1 The text is to be found in the Sitzungsberichte of the Vienna Academy in 1850, edited by Thomas. I have used the abbreviation β. μ. for βασιλεία μου. σκάλα means a landing-place (‘stairs’).
page 335 note 2 Called by the Byzantine historians Pachymeres and Nikêphoros Gregoras, Ikarios—misled by which name Finlay has in one place identified him with the Genoese Zacharia. The omission of the L arose perhaps from a little dangerous knowledge of Italian, which seduced the Greek historians to suppose that L was the article.
page 336 note 1 See Nikêphoros Gregoras, vol. i. (ed. Bonn) p. 95, sqq.
page 338 note 1 L is evidently the Italian article.
page 339 note 1 The expression 
(Supercilium) is used by Nikêphoros in regard to the Lombard lords of Euboia.
page 340 note 1 μέγας κονοσταȗλος; Pachymeres, Mich. Pal. v. 27.
page 340 note 2 ‘Swaggering’ is the exact word for σοβαροȗ: Greg., Nik. vol. i. p. 96Google Scholar.
page 343 note 1 In Spanish ‘micer Bonifaci de Verona.’
page 343 note 2 I have translated from Buchon's version of Muntaner.
page 345 note 1 Bonifacio de Aragona, the grandson of Bonifacio da Verona, is named ‘dominator Eghenae’ and ‘dominus castri et insulae Ligenae’ —another example of the propensity of the article to trespass.
