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Maine's comparative jurisprudence in British Sinology: George Jamieson's interpretation of China's lack of wills

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 October 2022

Rui Liu*
Affiliation:
School of Foreign Studies, Nanjing University of Posts and Telecommunications, Nanjing, People's Republic of China Email: umi007@163.com

Abstract

Nineteenth-century comparative sciences profoundly informed Sinology, but this field remains largely unexplored. Despite recent attention to the comparative study of Chinese religion, researchers have overlooked the comparative spirit underpinning British understanding of Chinese law. This article addresses this oversight by focusing on George Jamieson's (1843–1920) translation and interpretation of Chinese inheritance law in the Qing Dynasty (1636–1912). Drawing on Henry Maine's (1822–1888) comparative jurisprudence, Jamieson reflected upon China's lack of the legal concept of wills, which was a starting point for him to decipher the different developmental routes of Roman and Chinese law. As a parallel to Maine's comparison of Hindu and Roman law, Jamieson compared Chinese with Roman law, revealing that sacrificial duties to ancestors and underdevelopment of the legal profession were key factors contributing to China's legal particularities.

Type
Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Royal Asiatic Society

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16 Jamieson's remark touched upon the important issue of whether China had wills. Some scholars hold that testamentary succession has long existed in China, exercising power over that of intestate succession. First of all, terms referring to some sort of instruction left by the deceased such as yiming (遺命), yixun (遺訓), yiyan (遺言), and yiling (遺令) had been known to the Chinese from very early on. As a formal legal concept, yizhu (遺囑) first appeared in Tang law. Moreover, archival research reveals that many cases of wills were recognised by magistrates in successive dynasties, including the Qing Dynasty, which enabled them to come to the conclusion that the Chinese exercised a testamentary power larger than that of intestate succession. See Zhang Jinfan 張晉藩, Zhongguo gudai falü zhidu 中國古代法律制度 (Ancient Chinese Law) (Beijing, 1992), p. 846, p. 270; Cheng Weirong 程維榮, Zhongguo jicheng zhidu shi 中國繼承制度史 (History of Chinese Inheritance Law) (Shanghai, 2006), pp. 288–295; Zhang Zhiren 張智仁, ‘Shenme shi yizhu? Woguo gudai dui dingli yizhu youhe guiding?’ 什麼是遺囑?我國古代对訂立遺囑有何規定?(What is Will? What Regulations were there in Ancient China Concerning Wills?), in Zhongguo gudai falü sanbai ti 中國古代法律三百題 (Three Hundred Questions on Ancient Chinese Law), (ed.) Chen Pengsheng 陳鵬生 (Shanghai, 1991), pp. 401–402.

On the other hand, some scholars put more emphasis on different features in different dynasties. They have pointed out that the clauses legally recognising wills disappeared after the Song Dynasty and were not found in the Qing Code. They are thus very cautious in recognising the role of wills in Qing inheritance law. Moreover, many researchers believe that there was no freely exercised testamentary power in traditional Chinese societies that went against the principles of succession in the Code. See Wei Daoming 魏道明, ‘Zhongguo gudai jicheng zhidu zhiyi’ 中國古代遺囑繼承制度質疑 (Did Ancient China have Testamentary Succession as an Institution?), Lishi yanjiu 歷史研究 (Historical Research) 6 (2000), pp. 156–162; Ye Xiaoxin 葉孝信, Zhongguo minfa shi 中國民法史 (The History of Chinese Civil Law) (Shanghai, 1993), p. 436; Hao Hongbin, Minguo shiqi jicheng zhidu de yanjin 民國時期繼承制度的演進 (Evolution of Inheritance Law in Republican China) (Beijing, 2014), p. 47; David Wakefield, Fenjia: Household Division and Inheritance in Qing and Republican China (Honolulu, 1998), p. 33.

17 Jamieson, ‘Translations from the Lü-Li’, p. 205.

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26 Consolidated Regulations, p. 6.

27 Index to Register: Lectures & Classes on Jurisprudence Civil & International Law 1869 to 1877, Lecture Attendance Books, The Middle Temple Archive, London. Examinations Performance Records 1861–1957, Council of Legal Education Archive, A. CLE 11/2 1871–1878 No. 2, p. 14, Institute of Advanced Legal Studies (IALS) Archives, London. See also General Examination: Michaelmas Term, 1872, p. 3, Assorted Legal Education Papers Including Reports, Schemes and Correspondence—1846 onwards, The Middle Temple Archive, London.

28 In the nineteenth century alone, it had 14 editions. See Feaver, George, From Status to Contract: A Biography of Sir Henry Maine 1822–1888 (London, 1969), p. 334Google Scholar.

29 Ibid., p. 128.

30 Donald McLennan (ed.), The Patriarchal Theory: Based on the Papers of the Late John Ferguson McLennan (London, 1885), pp. x–xi.

31 Feaver, From Status to Contract, p. 43.

32 A. W. B. Simpson, ‘Contract: The Twitching Corpse. Review of Anson's Law of Contract by A. G. Guest; The Rise and Fall of Freedom of Contract by P. S. Atiyah; The Law of Contract by G. H. Treitel’, Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 1.2 (1981), pp. 265–277, p. 268.

33 Rabban, Law's History, p. 120.

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36 George Jamieson to Foreign Office, 28 May 1873, p. 105, FO 17/665, NA.

37 The Honourable Society of the Middle Temple: Members’ Ledgers, Vol. 6 (MT.3/MEL/6), p. 1382, Digitised Records, The Middle Temple Archive, London.

38 Williamson, The Middle Temple Bench Book, p. 240.

39 Feaver, From Status to Contract, p. 41.

40 Raymond Cocks, ‘Who attended the lectures of Sir Henry Maine: and does it matter’, in Learning the Law: Teaching and the Transmission of Law in England 1150–1900, (eds) Jonathan A. Bush and Alain Wijffels (London, 1999), p. 348, p. 390.

41 Members’ Ledgers, p. 1382.

42 Henry Maine, Ancient Law (1861) (London, 1917), p. 74.

43 Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 4.

45 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 88.

47 Ibid., p. 130. Emancipated natural sons refer to biological sons who were released by the father from his authority. Thus, they no longer belonged to their father's family. As to how this was done, please see the next paragraph.

48 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 130.

50 Ibid., p. 83.

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53 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 83.

54 Ibid., p. 131.

57 Ibid., p. vii.

58 Jamieson, ‘The history of adoption’, p. 144.

62 Jamieson, ‘Translations from the Lü-Li’, p. 201.

63 Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 3.

64 Gary G. Hamilton, ‘Patriarchy, patrimonialism, and filial piety: a comparison of China and Western Europe’, The British Journal of Sociology 41.1 (1990), p. 95.

65 Ibid., p. 96.

66 Jamieson, ‘The history of adoption’, p. 141.

67 Jamieson, ‘Translations from the Lü-Li’, p. 201.

68 Ibid., p. 195.

69 Jamieson, ‘The history of adoption’, p. 141.

73 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 113.

74 Ibid., p. 114.

76 Ibid., pp. 113–114.

77 Ibid., p. 114.

80 In his later work, he took a more careful approach to believing that ‘people speaking similar languages shared a common racial descent’. Rabban, Law's History, p. 137. But this did not weaken his belief that Indians and Europeans were of the same stock.

81 Ibid., p. 131.

82 Burrow, J. W., Evolution and Society: A Study in Victorian Social Theory (Cambridge, 1968), pp. 161162Google Scholar.

84 In his later works, he also explored ‘early Teutonic and Irish law’; nevertheless this did not reach beyond this circle. Rabban, Law's History, p. 138.

85 Wei, ‘Zhongguo gudai jicheng zhidu zhiyi’, pp. 156–162.

86 Barrett, T. H., ‘Chinese religion in English guise: the history of an illusion’, Modern Asian Studies 39.3 (2005), pp. 509533CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lakos, William, Chinese Ancestor Worship: A Practice and Ritual Oriented Approach to Understanding Chinese Culture (Newcastle, 2010)Google Scholar.

87 ‘Conveyance’ refers to the act of transferring property from one owner to another. Here, the term means transference of the entire family from the original head of the family to the heir. This act is more explicitly explained in the next paragraph.

88 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 120. As a matter of fact, there also existed a patrician testament, which is not the prototype for modern wills and is thus given less emphasis by Maine. For patrician testament, see ibid., pp. 116–118. For the same reason, Jamieson did not elaborate on the patrician will either: ‘there was indeed another and contemporaneous form—the patrician will, but for historical purposes that has no interest’. Jamieson, ‘The history of adoption’, p. 144.

89 As early wills took the form of conveyance, the party that took the family from the original head is called the ‘buyer’ or ‘purchaser’ of the family.

90 Maine, Ancient Law, pp. 120–121.

91 Jamieson, ‘The history of adoption’, p. 144.

92 In Roman law, ‘libripens’ means a weigher or balance holder.

93 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 120.

94 Jamieson, ‘The history of adoption’, pp. 144–145.

95 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 120.

96 Ibid., p. 125.

98 Jamieson, ‘The history of adoption’, p. 145.

99 Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, pp. 6–7.

100 Ibid., p. 7.

101 Ibid.

102 Ibid., p. 3.

103 Ibid. p. 7.

104 Ibid., p. 6.

105 Hamilton, ‘Patriarchy’, p. 94.

106 Ibid., p. 95.

107 Ibid.

108 James Legge (trans.), The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism. Part IV: The Lî Kî, XI–XLVI (The Sacred Books of the East 28), (ed.) F. Max Müller (Oxford, 1885), pp. 237–238.

109 Yang Tianyu 楊天宇 (comp.), Liji yizhu 禮記譯注 (Annotations for the Books of Rites) (Shanghai, 1997), Vol. 2, p. 828.

110 Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 5.

111 Hamilton, ‘Patriarchy’, p. 92.

112 Ibid., p. 84.

113 Ibid. p. 92.

114 Ibid., p. 93.

115 Ibid., p. 92.

116 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 100.

117 Hamilton, ‘Patriarchy’, p. 85.

118 Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 7.

119 Jamieson, ‘Translations from the Lü-Li’, p. 205.

120 Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 7.

121 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 20.

122 Ibid., p. 37.

123 Jamieson, ‘The history of adoption’, p. 139. Equity refers to a system of justice that supplements existing laws and is administered by the court of equity.

124 Ibid., p. 139, p. 145. Jamieson adopted Maine's definition of legal fiction as ‘any assumption, which conceals, or affects to conceal, the fact that a rule of law has undergone alteration, its letter remaining unchanged, its operation being modified’. Maine, Ancient Law, p. 16.

125 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 123.

126 Ibid., p. 24.

127 Ibid., p. 20.

128 Ibid., pp. 20–24.

129 Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 7.

130 Jamieson, ‘The history of adoption’, p. 139.

131 Ibid.

132 Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 7.

133 Maine, Ancient Law, p. 14.

134 Dang Jiangzhou 黨江舟, Zhongguo songshi wenhua: Gudai lüshi xianxiang jiedu 中國訟師文化-古代律師現象解讀 (Chinese Culture of Song-shi—Interpreting Ancient Lawyers) (Beijing, 2005), pp. 20–33.

135 Dang, Zhongguo songshi wenhua, pp. 64–73; Qiu Pengsheng 邱澎生, ‘Yi fa wei ming: Songshi yu muyou dui mingqing falü zhixu de chongji’ 以法為名:訟師與幕友對明清法律秩序的衝擊 (In the Name of the Law: The Impact of Song-shi and Mu-you on Legal Order in Ming and Qing China), Zhongxi falü chuantong 中西法律傳統 (Legal Tradition in the West and China) 00 (2008), p. 255.

136 Dang, Zhongguo songshi wenhua, pp. 91–141.

137 Ibid., pp. 200–202; Lin Qian 林乾, ‘Songshi dui fa zhixu de chongji yu qingchao yanzhi songshi lifa’ 訟師對法秩序的衝擊與清朝嚴治訟師立法 (The Impact of Song-shi on Legal Order and the Legislations against Song-shi in Qing Dynasty), Qingshi yanjiu 清史研究 (Studies in Qing History) 3 (2005), pp. 1–12.

138 Wu Qi 吳琦 and Du Weixia 杜維霞, ‘Songshi yu songgun: mingqing songshi de shehui xingxiang tanxi’ 訟師與訟棍:明清訟師的社會形象探析 (Song-shi and Litigation Scoundrel: Analysis of the Social Image of Song-shi in Ming and Qing Dynasties), Xuexi yu tansuo 學習與探索 (Study and Exploration) 7 (2013), pp. 146–147; T'ung-tsu Ch’ü, Law and Society in Traditional China (Paris, 1965), p. 285.

139 Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 7.

140 Dang, Zhongguo songshi wenhua, p. 249.

141 James Legge (trans.), The Chinese Classics. Vol. 1: Confucian Analects, the Great Learning, and the Doctrine of the Mean (London, 1861), p. 121.

142 Dang, Zhongguo songshi wenhua, pp. 209–211.

143 Qiu, ‘Yi fa wei ming’, p. 246.

144 Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, p. 7.

145 Ibid., pp. 7–8.

146 Guo Jian 郭建, Gudai faguan mianmian guan 古代法官面面觀 (Diverse Glimpses into Ancient Judges) (Shanghai, 1993), p. 92.

147 Qiu, ‘Yi fa wei ming’, p. 266.

148 Ibid., pp. 234–235.

149 Ibid., pp. 235–239.

150 Zhang, ‘Shenme shi yizhu?’ p. 402.

151 Wei, ‘Zhongguo gudai jicheng zhidu zhiyi’, p. 161; Ye, Zhongguo minfa shi, p. 436.

152 Hamilton, ‘Patriarchy’, p. 87