^{page 229 note 1} Cf. Robinson, J. A. T., Jesus and His Coming (New York, 1957), pp. 94–7.Google Scholar

^{page 229 note 2} Note the contortions of R. H. Charles in dealing with the various characterizations of the New Age in Isa. li. 6; lx. 19; lxv. 17 and lxvi. 22. Are they to be taken literally or poetically? The first passage, he says, expresses its view of the end of the old heaven and earth ‘not as an eschatological doctrine but poetically’. The last two on the other hand are ‘obviously’ to be taken literally.Google ScholarA Critical History of the Doctrine of the Future Life (1913), p. 129.Google Scholar Cf. also Oesterley, W. O. E., The Book of Enoch (London: S.P.C.K. 1925), pp. ix–x for a characteristic but questionable view of apocalyptic symbol.Google Scholar

^{page 231 note 1} ‘Primordial Time and Final Time’ in Man and Time: Papers from the Eranos Yearbooks, No. 3 (New York, 1957), p. 337.Google Scholar

^{page 231 note 2} Ibid. p. 338.

^{page 231 note 3} Karl Mannheim's characterization of the radical ecstatic outlook of Chiliasm among the Anabaptists suggests the dissociation of the eschatological ‘world’ from that of history. ‘The only true, perhaps the only direct identifying characteristic of Chiliast experience, is absolute presentness. We always occupy some here and now in the spatial and temporal stage but, from the point of view of Chiliast experience, the position that we occupy is only incidental. For the real Chiliast, the present becomes the breach through which what was previously inward bursts out suddenly, takes hold of the outer world and transforms it.’ Mannheim then speaks of the ‘tense expectation’ of the Chiliast.Google Scholar‘He is always on his toes awaiting the propitious moment and thus there is no inner articulation of time for him. He is not actually concerned with the millenium that is to come.’ Ideology and Utopia (New York, 1936), pp. 215–16. This description well suggests the ecstatic character of early Christian eschatology in its primary form. But the latter was conceived in a Jewish historical- teleological background while the Chiliasm in question was heavily coloured by a specifically mystical strain. The a-temporal eschaton defined by van der Leeuw fits this type of Chiliasm and some expressions of deviant Jewish and early Christian eschatology better than it does the primary eschatology of Jesus and the New Testament.Google Scholar

^{page 232 note 1} On the correlation of miracle, creatio ex nihilo and eschatology see Grant, R. M., Miracle and Natural Law (1952), chs. 10, 11.Google Scholar

^{page 232 note 2} Althaus well indicates not only that the glory of God would be diminished if in the Kingdom there were radical devaluation of the personal life of the creature, but also that eternal life requires the element of ‘world’. It is not only a matter of ‘Innerlichkeit’. The creation is not just a preliminary means or scaffolding, for God rejoices in his works and these endure. Die letzten Dinge (1956), pp. 321–2, 343–4. The present and coming eons in the New Testament ‘are not related as earth and heaven, as Diesseits and Jenseits, but the new eon breaks into our world, into this history, and transforms it’ (p. 361).Google Scholar

^{page 232 note 3} ‘The Israelitic kingship, the sociological structure of the Israelites, their religious life condensed in holy scriptures, their worship and rites, all these are elements in a long process which from the point of view of the N.T. can be characterized as a preparation or prefiguration, a time of forming and moulding of the terms and metaphors and thoughts, the existence of which was a necessary condition for the proclamation of the gospel by Jesus and for the belief of the Church from its very beginning.’ H. Riesenfeld in W. D. Davies and D. Daube (eds.), The Background of the N. T. and its Eschatalogy (1956), p. 86.Google Scholar

^{page 232 note 4} ‘Just as Hebrew psychology ascribed psychical qualities to the physical organs and made the body an essential part of human personality, so Hebrew philosophy (if the term may be allowed) ascribed metaphysical significance to events in the external world, and made these (as symbols) parts of a larger whole of reality.… We start from an implicit dualism between the material and the spiritual.… Their antithesis was not that of mind and matter, but of God and man.’ Robinson, H. Wheeler, ‘Prophetic Symbolism’, in Old Testament Essays: Papers read before the Society for O.T. Study (1927), pp. 11–12.Google Scholar

^{page 233 note 1} For examples: Riesenfeld, H., see op. cit. in note 3, p. 232 above, pp. 81–95;Google ScholarCullmann, Early Christian Worship (1953), pp. 87f., 91f.Google Scholar

^{page 234 note 1} For van der Leeuw, see op. cit. note I, p. 231 above, pp. 330–5.Google Scholar

^{page 234 note 2} In the field of early Greek religion the work of Otto, W. F. is particularly illuminating, especially Dionysos, Mythos und Kultur (1933). On the Semitic side: Henri Frankfort, Before Philosophy (1949)Google Scholar and Goodenough, E. R.Jewish Symbols, vol. iv (1954), ch. II.Google Scholar

^{page 236 note 1} What Karl Mannheim says about Utopian symbolism and the tension between the new order proclaimed and the old order devalued needs to be corrected in our Context by the differentia of early Christian faith. It is nevertheless illuminating. ‘The first stirrings of what is new… are in fact oriented towards the existing order and… the existing order is itself rooted in the alignment and tension of the forces of social life.… What is new in the achievement of the personally unique ‘charismatic’ individual can only then be utilized for the collective life when, from the very beginnung, it is in contact with some important current problem, and when from the start its meanings are rooted genetically in collective purposes.’ Ideology and Utopia, pp. 206f.Google Scholar

^{page 236 note 2} Dahl, N. H., reviewing Rudolf Bultmann's Theologie des N. T., argues with special reference to Romans ix–xi that even for Paul the Christ-event cannot be understood as the end of the ‘world’. Theol. Rund. xxii (1954), 21–49.Google Scholar

^{page 236 note 3} Austin Farrer speaks well of these matters. ‘Symbol endeavours, as it were, to be that of which it speaks.…There is a current and exceedingly stupid doctrine that symbol evokes-emotion, and exact prose states reality.…Nothing could be further from the truth: exact prose abstracts from reality, symbol presents it.’ A Rebirth of Images (1943), pp. 19f.Google Scholar

^{page 236 note 1} Ezra Pound's characterization of the poetic image is suggestive: ‘It is a vortex or cluster of fused ideas and is endowed with energy… it presents an intellectual and emotional complex in an instant of time… gives that sense of sudden liberation; that sense of freedom from time and space limits; that sense of sudden growth, which we experience in the presence of the greatest art.’ Cited by Miner, Earl, ‘Pound, Haiku and the Image’, Hudson Rev. ix, 4 (Winter 1956/1957), 576.Google Scholar

^{page 236 note 2} The remarks of Frank M. Cross, Jr., on the Essene apocalyptic exegesis are relevant: ‘Some attempt has been made on the part of scholars to distinguish between purely historical commentary and purely eschatological, or between commentaries dealing primarily with external history and those dealing primarily with internal history. Such distinctions involve categories foreign to the apocalyptic mind, and can be applied to Essene materials only by forcing and distortion.’ The Ancient Library of Qumran and Modern Biblical Studies (1958), p. 85, n. 9.Google Scholar

^{page 237 note 1} Since the pagan world also understood itself in its own mythical way the issue was that of two orders of myth rather than of a contrast of myth and history.Google Scholar

^{page 237 note 2} Die Mitte der Zeit (1954), p. 82.Google Scholar

^{page 238 note 1} Uppsala, 1951.Google Scholar

^{page 238 note 2} ‘Enderwartung urid Kirche im Matthäusevangelium’, in The Background of the Yew Testament and Its Eschatology, pp. 247–59.Google Scholar Note also the mythical-sacral world in which the Pauline churches lived as notably brought Out in Käsemann's, E. article, ‘Sätze Heiligen Rechtes im Neuen Testament’, N.T.S. I, 4 (05 1955), 248–60.Google Scholar

^{page 238 note 3} Conzelmann, op. cit. p. 96;Google ScholarHarder, G. in Theologia Viatorum, IV (1952), 100f. Professor Cadbury rightly stresses the objective reality assigned by Luke to the eschatological hopes and events. ‘The resurrection, the Spirit, and the parousia were not for him to be transferred to events of mere imagination, or to be regarded as poetical expressions not to be understood quite literally.’ The Background of the N. T. and Its Eschatology, p. 303.Google ScholarCf. Conzelmann: ‘Lukas kennt ja keine freischwebende Symbolizierung’ (Die Mitte der Zeit, p. 24). No N.T. eschatology was vaguely symbolic in the ‘poetic’ sense, but in Luke we recognize an objectifying or hardening tendency which forfeits the original connotative power and mystery. Myth and epiphany become art.Google Scholar

^{page 238 note 4} Fuchs, E. well cautions against overemphasis on the delay factor in our reading of Luke-Acts, Hermeneutik (1954), p. 165;Google Scholarsee context p. 163.Google Scholar

^{page 239 note 1} ‘Time and History in Patristic Christianity’, in Man and Time (1957), p. 89.Google Scholar

^{page 239 note 2} New York, 1957.Google Scholar

^{page 239 note 3} P. 98.Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 1} K.D. IV/I, (German ed. 1953), 181.Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 2} The Ancient Library of Qumran, p. 151.Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 3} In the words of Bornkamm, G., Jesus did his work ‘in a world which had lost the present since… it lived between past and future, between tradition and promise or threat’, Jesus von Nazareth (1956), p. 52. Cf. Von Rad on conditions at the time of the rise of the monarchy: ‘…a suspicious Verwilderung of [inherited] symbols.… The word of the Lord was rare in those days.…The “edifice of meaning” had been radically transformed.’ Theologie des Alten Testaments (1951), p. 47.Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 4} Bad Cannstatt, 1954.Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 5} ‘…in primal mythos a cult-community celebrates the truth in which it is founded and “assembled” (Heracitus) as the actualization of a theophany’ (p. 168).Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 6} The existentialist view does not sufficiently recognize the time-category in which we are saved. It is doubtful whether on Heidegger's premises we can reach a satisfactory view as to how and why this [existentialist] interpretation can be understood ‘as an interpretation of history [Geschichte] in our dealing with time itself’ (p. 175). It does not make clear that we can be joined to God not only morally and metaphysically but also historically.Google Scholar

^{page 240 note 7} P. 169.Google Scholar

^{page 241 note 1} Betz, O., ‘Jesu Heiliger Krieg’, Nov. Test. ii, 2 (04, 1957), 117–37;Google ScholarFarmer, W. R., Maccabees, Zealots and Josephus (New York, 1956), ch. VIII.Google Scholar

^{page 241 note 2} Op. cit. p. 117.Google ScholarStauffer, E. presents a strong case for Jesus' political concern especially by exploiting the latter's Hirtenpolemik in the Fourth Gospel. Jesus (1957), pp. 74–6. He rightly sub. ordinates this area of Jesus' attention to larger issues, but we find it difficult to follow him in the way he does it; that is, by placing Jesus' self-identification in the centre of the picture.Google Scholar

^{page 241 note 3} See Robinson, James M., The Problem of History in Mark (Naperville, Illinois, 1956), pp. 34, 42, 47;Google Scholar and his ‘Jesus' Understanding of History’, J.B.R. XXIII, 1 (01 1955), 19.Google Scholar

^{page 241 note 4} This theme is developed in my Otherworldliness and the New Testament (1954), ch. 3;Google ScholarGerman translation, Weltfremdes Christentum? (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1958).Google Scholar

^{page 241 note 5} ‘Gottesreich und Menschensohn in der Verkündigung Jesu’, in Schneemelcher, W. (ed.), Festschrift für G. Dehn (1957), pp. 77f.Google Scholar

^{page 241 note 6} Percy, E., Die Botschaft Jesu (1953), pp. 45–81;Google ScholarBraun, H., Spätjüdischhäretischer und frühchrastlieher Radikatismus, ii (1957), p. 73 and n. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 242 note 1} Theologie des Alten Testaments, 1 (1957), 61.Google Scholar

^{page 242 note 2} P. 62.Google Scholar

^{page 242 note 3} See the classifications set forth by Steuernagel, Carl, ‘Die Strukturlinien der Entwicklung der jüdischen Eschatologie’, Festschrift Alfred Bertholet (1950), pp. 479–87. He first distinguishes between (1) national, (2) individual, and (3) universal or transcendental eschatologies and then between (1) those identified with this world, and (2) those identified with conditions above this world with respect either to time or space. Each of these five patterns has its own course of development related to new historical circumstances, but the Entwicklunzgslinien also merge with each other in various ways.Google Scholar

^{page 243 note 1} Note the secular motifs in the adunata, iv. 51–v. 13; vi. 21–4; and the metamorphosis of the woman representing Zion.Google Scholar

^{page 243 note 2} Cf. Schneider, Carl, Geistesgeschichte des antiken Christentwns, II (1954), 52–3.Google Scholar

^{page 244 note 1} The profound realism, both social and existential, of early Christian literature is a main point in Erich Auerbach's comparison of these writings with contemporary pagan work. See his comparison of pericopes in the Gospels and aspects of Paul's letters with the writings of Tacitus, Petronius and Ammianus Marcellinus, Mimesis (1946), chs. 2 and 3.Google Scholar

^{page 244 note 2} For an example of the holistic grasp of the redemption of history and nature, of this age and the age to come, we may point to Isa. xxiv–xxvii: (1) earth and man, xxiv. 5–6; (2) earth and cosmicastral powers, xxiv. 4 c, 21 (3) Israel and the nations, xxv. 6–8; (4) this life and that of the resurrection, xxv. 6–8; xxvi. 19; (5) the glorified earth, xxv. 6; (6) focus on the present actual situation, xxvii, i (for the two Leviathans and the dragon refer to the Diadochan states). See Proksch, Otto, Theologie des Alten Testaments (1950), p. 411;Google ScholarFrost, S. B., Old Testament Apocalyptic (1952), pp. 145–56.Google Scholar

^{page 245 note 1} What Edmond Jacob says of Jewish apocalyptic here holds true. ‘As Yahweh is the God who creates life, the catastrophic aspect of eschatology could never be the last word of his coming. The essential place is occupied by the notions of new creation and restoration. That is why the cleavage between history and eschatology is never radical.’ Theology of the Old Testament (1958), p. 318.Google Scholar