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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 February 2009
Jewish-Christians readily interpreted the life, ministry and sacrificial death of Jesus in agreement with accepted Jewish concepts: the trinity, the apostolic christology of the Messiah, meritorious suffering in behalf of all Israel, reconciliation of Israel to God through the death of the Messiah, refusal to participate in active rebellion against Rome, and willingness to dispute with other religious sects about many points. The fall of Jerusalem taught them to adjust their worship practices according to Jewish traditions which deemed the temple unnecessary, but they continued to mourn for it and hope for its restoration. Daily and weekly private and congregational worship attempted to fulfil needs formerly met by the function of priests in the temple. Baptism became still more important than before, assuming more responsibility for cleansing from sins, but it did not make circumcision unnecessary. There continued to be scripture reading and exhortation in congregational worship services. Some of them observed the same calendar of feasts as the majority of Jews and also the Jewish Sabbath, but they adhered to the Lord's Day and perhaps some of them even concurred with Gentile-Christians in their Christian adjustments to the old agricultural calendar. Jewish-Christians of the second century were in closer agreement with the theology of the NT and Jews of their day than they would have been with Catholic Christians who lived a few centuries later.
1 Klijn, A. F. J., ‘The Study of Jewish Christianity’, N.T.S. 20 (1974), 419–31Google Scholar, is undoubtedly correct in thinking that Jewish-Christianity cannot be analysed apart from Gentile-Christianity as scholars like Baur, F. C., ‘Die Christuspartei in der korinthischen Gemeinde, der Gegensatz des petrinischen und paulinischen Christenthums in der ältesten Kirche, der Apostel Paulus in Rom’, Tübinger zeitschrift für Theologie (1831)Google Scholar, once thought. From one point of view all Christianity that was not Samaritan was Jewish. Furthermore, there were several Gentile-, several Jewish-, and several Samaritan-Christian churches at the same time which differed from each other in various ways. Nonetheless, there were degrees of difference between Catholic Christians and those Jerome called semi-Judaii or semi-Christiani (In Hab. 11. iii (MPL 25. 1390B); 111. 10–13, 858 (CCLS lxxvia, 641); and In Esaiam xvii. 1. 1/3, 16 (MPL 24. 609D; CCLS lxxiiia, 692)). In this study, ‘Jewish-Christian’ is defined by belief and practice rather than blood ties. Paul, for instance, was a Jew who became a Christian, but he would not be considered a Jewish-Christian in this study.
2 Tertullian, De Came Christi xiv. 5 (CCLS ii, 900); Adv. Om. Haer. iii 1 (CCLS ii, 1405); Carmen I. 168–170 (CCLS ii, 1425); Hippolytus, Elenchos 7 33, 1–2Google Scholar; ix. 14, 1; x. 21, 1–3 (GCS 26, 220–1; 252, 281); Eusebius, HE iii 27, 2; V. 17; Epiphanius, Pan. xxviii. 2Google Scholar (GCS Ep. 1, 314–15); lxix. 23 (GCS Ep. iii, 172–3); Augustine, De Haer. (CCLS xlvi, 294–5); Mercator, Marius, Nest. xii (MPL 48.927B–928A)Google Scholar; Cum Contra xiv-xv (MPL 48.928a/b); Theodoret of Cyr, Comp. Haer. Fab. 11.3 (MPG 83.399). Justin, Dial. xlviii. 4 (MPG 6.580) and Origen, C. Celsum v. 61 (GCS Or. 11, 65), however, were aware of Jewish-Christians who acknowledged the virgin birth. This further indicates the variety that existed among Christian sects.
3 Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1.26, 2 (MPG 7, 686b–687a); Hippolytus, Elenchos vii. 34, 1–2 (GCS Hip. iii, 221); Origen, C. Celsum II. 1 (GCS Or. i, 126–7); Eusebius, HE iii. 27,5; v. 17; Epiphanius, Pan. xix.3, 5 (GCS Ep. i, 222); xxviii.5 (GCS Ep. I, 317); xxx. 2, 1–2 (GCS Ep. I, 334); xxx.26, 1–2 (GCSEp. i, 368); Jerome, Ep. cxii. 13, 16 (MPL 22.924,926–7); In Hier. iv. 16:16 (MPL 25.139); Augustine, C. Faustum xix. 4 (MPL 42.349–50); De Haer. ix (CCLS xlvi, 294); Theodoret of Cyr, Comp. ii. 1 (MPG 83.388–9).
4 Eusebius, HE iii.27, 5; Epiphanius, Pan. xxrx.7, 5 (GCS Ep. i, 329); xxx.2, 1–2 (GCS Ep. i, 334); Pseudo-Hieronymus, Ind. Haer. x (MPL 81, 640c); Augustine, C. Faustum xix, 4 (MPL 42.349–50); Origen, In Matt., ser. 79 (GCS Or. xi, 188–91).
5 Eugyppius Abbas Africanus, Thes. ccxxvi (MPL 62.588b); John Damascene, De Haer. xxviii; Dionysius Bar Salibi, In Apoc. CSCO lx, 4; Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. i.26, 2 (MPG 7.686b-687a); Origen, Hom, in Gen. iii. 5 (GCS Or. vi, 44); Epiphanius, Pan. xviii. 1, 2 (GCS Ep. i, 215); xix. 3, 5 (GCS Ep. 1, 222); xxiv. 7, 5 (GCS Ep. 1, p. 329); Jerome, De Situ cxliii (MPL 23.888); In Hier. xliv. 6–8 (MPL 25.431); Filaster, Div. Har. xxxvi (CCLS ix, 233); Pseudo-Hieronymus, Ind. Haer. x (MPL 81, 640C); Augustine, C. Faustum xix. 5 (MPL 42. 349–50); De Baptismo vii. 1 (MPL 43. 225); C. Cres. 1. xxxi. 36 (MPL 43. 465); De Haer. 8 (MPL 42. 27).
6 Theodore Bar Khonai, Liber Scholiorum (CSCO lxvi, 301).
7 Theodore of Cyr, Comp. ii.3 (MPG 83.389); Timothy, Presbyter of Constantinople, De lis (MPG 86. 28C-29A); Theodore Bar Khonai, Liber Scholiorum (CSCO lxvi, 336); Eusebius, HE iii. 28.2, 4; vii.25, 3; Augustine, De Haer. viii (MPL 42.27).
8 Epiphanius, Pan. xxviii.6, 1–2 (GCS Ep. 1, 318).
9 Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1. 26, 2 (MPG 7.686b–687a); iii 11, 7 (MPG 884b–885a).
10 Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1.26, 2 (MPG 7.686b-687a); Epiphanius, Pan. xix. 3, 5 (GCS Ep. 1, 222).
11 Daniélou, J., The Theology of Jewish Christianity, tr. and ed. Baker, J. A. (Chicago, c. 1964)Google Scholar, p. 63.
12 Hom. ix.23 (GCS Hom., p. 141); xi.26 (GCS Hom., p. 167).
13 Hom. xi. 26 (GCS Hom., p. 167); see also Recog. 1.69 (GCS Rec, p. 47).
14 Recog. 1.45, 46 (GCS Rec, pp. 34–5).
15 Ibid.
16 I Cor. 10.2; see also Recog. 1.48 (GCS Rec, p. 36).
17 Assump. Moses 11.37; Sifra bchuqqotai, perek 8.12; Lev. 26.46; Memar Marqah II, § 12; III, § 6; IV, §4; V, §3; VI, §3, 11.
18 Assump. Moses 11.37. See also Mekilta, Pisha 3.5–6 ond Vayassa' 7.11–12.
19 Ber. 5.5.
20 Isa. 63.16, 64.8; Ahabah; fifth and sixth benedictions of the Eighteen Benedictions; Mekilta, Vayassa' 1.30; Amalek 2.146–7, 152; Behodesh 6.144, 11.88.
21 Philip held that that which was said of Jesus might equally be said of Moses (Recog. 1. 58 [GCS Rec., p. 41]), although Jesus, as the Christ, was greater (Recog. 1, 59 [GCS Rec., p. 41]). Epiphanius (Pan. XXX. 16 [GCS, pp. 353–4]) reported that the Ebionites said Jesus was born of human seed but received the office of the Christ from above. Rabbi Yoḥanan ben Zakkai said, ‘As the first redeemer [Moses], so shall the last redeemer [the Messiah] be‘ (Deut. R. on 10.1).
22 4QH 7.7, 9.32, 12.12, 14.13, 16.12, 17.26; Mekilta, Pisha 1.153; Beshallah 3.83–4, 132; Shirata 1.87; 10.69; see also 4QH 4.31, 13.19.
23 Buchanan, G. W., To The Hebrews (Garden City, 1972), p. 266Google Scholar.
24 Buchanan, G. W., The Consequences of the Covenant (Leiden, 1970), pp. 261–3Google Scholar.
25 BJ ii. ii (129–30). Jewish-Christians also encouraged monasticism. See Epiphanius, , Pan. 30. 2Google Scholar, 6 (GCS Ep. 1, 335).
26 BJ ii ii (131).
27 Pes. 2.6, 8.3, 10.1.
28 Dix, G., The Shape of the Liturgy (London, c. 1964), p. 140Google Scholar.
29 The first fruits were given only of seven kinds of crops: wheat, barley, grapes, figs, pomegranates, olive oil and (date) honey (Deut. 8.3). These were fruits for which Palestine was famous.
30 As in the Feast of the Tabernacles.
31 BB 6Ob.
32 Epiphanius, Pan. xxx. 16, 1–2 (GCS Ep. 1, 353); Cyprian, Ep. 63 (CSEL iii, par. 11).
33 1 Tim. 6.23.
34 Ant. xviii.i (19). It is not certain whether these rites involved sacrifices of their own or not. The Greek is στλλοντες θυσας έπιτελοṽσιν διαΦορóτιτι άγνειν άς νομζοιεν κα διí αὐτò εἰργòμενοι τοṽ κοινοṽ τεμενἱσματος έφ αὐτν τς θυσας έπιτελοṽσιν For a discussion of the pros and cons see L. H. Feldman (tr.), Josephus IX (Cambridge, 1965), p. 16 n. a.
35 Acts 7.48–51; Recog. 1. 64 (GCS Rec, p. 44).
36 Recog. 1.54, 55, 64 (GCS Rec, pp. 39, 40, 44).
37 Recog. iv. 19 (GCS Rec, pp. 155–6).
38 Recog. 1.29; x. 49 (GCS Rec, pp. 24–5, 357); Hom. ix. 23 (GCS Hom., p. 141); xvii. 7 (GCS Hom., p. 232).
39 Hom. vii.8 (GCS Hom., p. 120); xi.35 (GCS Hom., p. 171).
40 Hom. xiii. 20 (GCS Hom., p. 202).
41 Recog. 1. 19 (GCS Rec, p. 18); vi. 15 (GCS Rec, p. 196); vii. 29 (GCS Rec, p. 211); Hom, xiii.4 (GCS Hom., p. 194).
42 Recog. i. 69 (GCS Rec, p. 47); vi. 9 (GCS Rec., p. 192); Hom. xi. 25–6 (GCS Hom., pp. 166–7); XIII. 21 (GCS Hom., p. 203).
43 Hom. XI. 33 (GCS Hom., p. 170.)
44 St John Chrysostom (†4O7) invited those coming to be baptized to come as to a wedding and a royal banquet, where, without cost, the initiate received a wedding garment (see also Hom. 8.23; T. Levi 11.9–10, 15.8, 21.2; Shepherd of Hermas Sim. 8.2, 3–4). Members of the Essene sect also at holy meals dressed in white garments after bathing (BJ 11.ii [127–31]). Since that community was communistic, the clothing also belonged to the group. The parable of the man who came to a wedding without a wedding garment may have referred to a person attempting to attend the Lord's Supper or a community meal without baptism (Matt. 22.11–13).
45 Essenes baptized themselves before every meal and changed into clean garments. Jewish- Christians claimed that John the Baptist baptized himself every day. Some Gentile-Christians however, prohibited further ablutions.
46 Yeb. 46a; Ker. 9a; AZ 97a; Shab. 135a.
47 Job asked rhetorically, ‘Who can produce something clean from something unclean? No one’ (Job 14.4). It is from this thought-form that the whole idea of original defilement or original sin began.
48 Cyprian, Ep. 64.1–4, responded, ‘To the pure all things are pure’, and further argued that Jewish rites of circumcision on the eighth day had been made unnecessary by Christ. Therefore spiritual circumcision should be administered as soon as possible. If all things were pure to the pure, namely the Christian, then the baby could be accepted at once without baptism, but tradition does not change rationally or radically, all at once. Now, nearly two thousand years later, many Christians who do not believe in original sin or defilement continue to baptize infants as the initial rite for admission into the church.
49 The Consequences of the Covenant, pp. 215–22.
50 Ibid. pp. 282–90.
51 Samaritans might even lead in Jewish worship, but Jews were forbidden to say, ‘Amen!’ until the entire prayer was over (Ber. 8.9). A curse against Jewish-Christians was included in the Eighteen Benedictions to keep the Jewish-Christians out (Ber. 28 a); Justin, Dial. 16 (MPG 6.511); Jerome, In Esaiam 52.5, Ep. cxii. 13 (MPL 22.924).
52 1QS 10. i; II Enoch 51.4; Ber. 4.1.
53 1QS 6.7.
54 Tertullian, De Oratione xxv. 5–6.
55 Apostolic Tradition IV. 35–6, especially iv.36, 8–9, 12.
56 Pes. 10.8; Matt. 26.40–5; Acts 20.7–11; Didascalia Apostolorum xii [ii.57] (p. 57).
57 Tertullian, De Oratione (MPL i.1149); Cyprian, De Oratione Dominica (MPL 5.519); Origen, De Oratione (MPG 2.4161); Cyril of Jerusalem, Fifth Myst. ii (MPG 33.1117); et alia.
58 It occurs in the Sermon on the Mount. At least part of this unit presumes the existence of the temple (Matt. 5.23–4).
59 de Sola Pool, D. (ed.), The Traditional Prayer Book for Sabbath Festivals (New York, c. 1960).Google Scholar
60 Jerome, In Esaiam XVII. 60.1–3 (MPL 24.587).
61 Ber. 4.1.
62 Eusebius, HE iv.8, 4.
63 Singer, S. (ed.), The Authorized Daily Prayer Book (New York, 1915), p. 234.Google Scholar
64 Ber. 4.1, 3.
65 Didache 9. 3.
66 De Corona iii.i-iv. 1 (CCLS I and 2).
67 Early rabbis argued about how this passage could be fulfilled literally in daily worship. Shammai said Jews must say their evening prayers lying down and their morning prayers standing up. Hillel insisted that this meant you could say prayers in any posture. Otherwise, how could you explain the words, ‘As you walk by the way’ (Ber. 1.3)? These commandments were also fulfilled by placing Mezuzoth on all doorposts and gateposts to motivate prayer upon all entrances and exits. See also iQS 10.13–16.
68 Dinkier, E., ‘Jesus Wort vom Kreuztragen’, Neutestamentliche Studien für Rudolf Bultmann (Berlin 1957), pp. 110–29.Google Scholar
69 The conscious imitation of Ezek. 9 by the author of Rev. 7 makes it likely that the seal was made with the sign of the cross or tau. Such a cross would have been more closely related to an eschatological expectation than to the crucifixion.
70 Acta Sep., p. 125. See also Roberts, A. and Donaldson, J. (eds.), The Ante-Nicene Fathers (Grand Rapids, c. 1970)Google Scholar, ii, 533 and iii, 31.
71 Irenacus, Adv. Haer. 1. 26, 2 (MPL 25.431); Epiphanius, Pan. XIX. 3, 5 (GCS Ep., 1, 220).
72 Epiphanius, Pan. xix.3, 4–5 (GCS Ep., 1, 220).
73 See also Daniélou, , Jewish Christians, p. 269.Google Scholar
74 Schoeps, H. J., The Jewish-Christian Argument (New York, c. 1961), tr. Green, D. E., pp. 44–5Google Scholar.
75 See Smith, M., Tannaitic Parallels to the Gospels (Philadelphia, 1951), pp.88–98Google Scholar; Buchanan, G. W., ‘Midrashim Pré-Tannaïtes’, RB 72 (1965), 226–39Google Scholar; Col. 3.16; Eph. 5. 19; II Tim.3.15; I Tim. 4.13; Acts 17. II.
76 Yoma 7.1; Sotah 7.7; but see also Meg. 4.1.
77 C. Cels. v. 65; cf. Eusebius, HE 3. 27Google Scholar. 4
78 John of Damascus, De Haer. XXX and Theodore Bar Khonai, Liber Scholiorum, CSCO lxvi, 301. Pseudo-Tertullian claimed that they upheld the law for the purpose of excluding the gospel (Adv. Om. Haer, iii CCLS 1 and 2), but he may have been referring to the Christian message in general and not to the literary gospels.
79 Irenaeus, , Adv. Haer. 2. 11Google Scholar, 7 (Sagnard, F., Irénée de Lyons, Contre les Hérésies [Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1952]) 3, 192Google Scholar, and Filaster, , Div. Her. 36. 2 (CCLS 9, p. 233).Google Scholar
80 Radbertus, Paschasius, Ex. 2.2Google Scholar (MPL 120.149 c).
81 Filaster, Div. Her. xxxvi.2 (CCLS 9, p. 233). See further Klijn, A. F. J. and Reinink, G. J., Patristic Evidence for Jewish-Christian Sects (Leiden, 1973), p. 49.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
82 Irenaeus, Adv. Haer. 1.26.2 (MPG 7.686 b-687a).
83 Origen, reported in Eusebius, HE vi.38; Epiphanius, Pan. xix.5, 1 (GCS Ep. 1, 222).
84 To The Hebrews (Garden City, 1972), p. 1 and ‘Midrashim PréTannaïtes’.Google Scholar
85 Smith, , Tannaitic Parallels, pp. 88–98.Google Scholar
86 See Pesikta Rabbati and Pesikta de Rav Kahana for excellent Jewish sermons.
87 Dix, Shape, p. 40, said most sermons were preached by bishops.
88 See also Justin, Apol. 1.67 (MPG 7. 629); Dial. 28 (MPG 6.536), 85 (MPG 6.676–80); Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis VI. 14 (MPG 9. 338); Tertullian, De Cult. Fern. II. 11 (MPG 1.1329).
89 Ber. 5.3; Apos. Const, vii.2, 25; Apos. Trad. 1.10, 3–6.
90 Compare the second and third of the Eighteen Benedictions with 1 Clem. 59.3–4 and the tenth benediction with Didache 9.9. See also Dix, , Shape, pp. 214–18Google Scholar; Finkel, A., The Pharisees and the Teacher of Nazareth (Leiden, 1964), pp. 115–16Google Scholar; Oesterley, W. O. E., The Jewish Background of the Christian Theology (Gloucester, 1965), pp. 76Google Scholar, 77, 130–47.
91 Ber. 8.4 14b-15a; Apos. Trad, iv.35, 1; iv.36, 8–9; Tertullian, De Oratione xiii. 1–2.
92 Dix, , Shape, pp. 103–10Google Scholar; Cyril of Jerusalem, Myst. v. 3 (MPG 33.1112).
93 Oesterley, , Jewish Background, pp. 70–1, 73–6, 145Google Scholar; Dix, , Shape, pp. 128–30.Google Scholar
94 Finkel, , Pharisees, pp. 115–16.Google Scholar
95 An early Jewish document, called the scroll of the fasts (see Lichtenstein, H., ‘Die Fastenrolle’, H.U.C.A. 8–9 [1931–1932], 257–351)Google Scholar, has a misleading title. Instead of containing a list of various fasts Jews must observe, it lists the days of the year on which Jews are forbidden to fast or mourn. Tertullian (De Corona iii, CCLS 1 and 2) said Christians were forbidden to fast or worship on the knees on the Lord's Day and from Easter to Pentecost. The reason seems to have been that these were days of rejoicing. See also Didache 8.1; Apost. Const, v. 3, 13; vii. 2, 21; Ta'anith.
96 II Sam. 24.14; Dan. 9.9; Lev. 16.21; Yoma 3.8; Oesterley, , Jewish Background, pp. 76–9.Google Scholar
97 Isa. 6.3; Ezek. 8.12; Ps. 146.10; TBer. 1.9; Origen, C. Celsum viii. 34 (GCS Or., ii); Cyril of Jerusalem, Myst. v. 4 (MPG 33.1112); ‘The Liturgy of the Blessed Apostles’ in The Ante-Nicene Fathers viii, 537, 47, 54, 57, 61, 63, 64, 68.
98 Ibid. pp. 543, 47, 50, 53, 56, 68; Oesterley, , Jewish Background, pp. 46–70Google Scholar; Dix, , Shape, p. 94.Google Scholar
99 Megillah 4.1–10; JTamid 7.4; Apost. Trad. ii.
100 Jerome, , Ep. cxii. 13Google Scholar (MPG 22, 924).
101 Eusebius, , HE v. 23–5.Google Scholar
103 J., and Lewy, H., ‘The Origins of the Week and the Oldest West Asiatic Calendar’, H.U.C.A. 17 (1942–1943), 3Google Scholar, 88. Before the Dead Sea Scrolls appeared, the Lewys, loc. cit. pp. 1–152, wrote an extensive and important analysis of the pentecontad calendar. After the Scrolls became known, Jaubert, A., ‘Le Calendrier des Jubilés et de la Secte de Qumran. Ses Origins Bibliques’, V.T. 3 (1953), 250–72Google Scholar, noted the relationships between Jubilees, some of the Scrolls, intertestamental literature, and the OT. The calendar she projected was so nearly exactly like that described earlier by the Lewys that Morgenstern, J., ‘The Calendar of the Book of Jubilees, its Origin and its Character’, V.T. 5 (1955), 34–76Google Scholar, related the two articles and traced the history of the calendar to modern times. Analyses made here are based upon these three articles.
103 Lewys, , ‘Origins’, 50–1Google Scholar, 77.
104 Morgenstern, , ‘Calendar’, p. 41Google Scholar. This practice was continued only symbolically in Judaism by destroying all leavened bread (Pes. 1.1–7).
105 Bik. 1.8, 3.4.
106 The term ‘weeks’ was a label given to a pentecontad, i.e. a period of seven weeks. The Feast of Weeks is the feast held after the first group of weeks of the year was over. So Lewys, ‘Origins’, pp. 92–6.
107 The Lewys, however, did not consider the possibility, but were convinced ‘… that the Feast of Booths originally marked the celebration on the fiftieth day of the pentecontad of ingathering of fruits’ (Ibid. p. 123; see also pp. 140–1). By fruits, they meant the autumn fruits and grapes. They also did not think of the possible relationship between the Feast of Tabernacles and the theology of the Lord's ‘presence’ tabernacling with his people in the wilderness. The Lewys' case rests on the necessity of interpreting the ‘sabbath’ of Exod. 31.12 ff. as a pentecontad.
108 Morgenstern, ‘Calendar’, p. 53.
109 Rabbi Joshua ben Levi said it should have fallen fifty days after the Day of Atonement, but it was advanced by God's mercy because of weather conditions (SSR 58 b).
110 Lewys, ‘Origins’, p. 4.
111 This was not done all at once in any of the countries. In some areas people gave dates according to two calendars at the same time to meet the needs of varying people. See Lewys, , ‘Origins’, p. 67Google Scholar. See also Morgenstern, , ‘Calendar’, pp. 67–8.Google Scholar
112 Pes. 1.1. I.e. the day after the 14th of Nisan. RH 1.1–4.
113 RH 1.1–4.
114 That is, unless the Feast of Tabernacles was always in the fall, as the Lewys thought.
115 Philo, , Vita Conternplativa 3.30Google Scholar; iv.36; viii.65.
116 Menahot 65a.
117 Those who observed the pentecontad calendar would also have observed the Sabbath. There was an ancient taboo that considered all work done on the Sabbath to be ill-fated. Therefore work was suspended on that day. Some Jewish-Christians believed Jesus had not been railed from the dead but that he would be raised in the general resurrection (Epiphanius, Pan. xxviii). 6. i ([GCS Ep. i]). These may not have celebrated either the Lord's Day or Easter.
118 Ant. xiii.5 (372–4).
119 Ant. xiii.3 (46).
120 Fulfilling the prophecy of Zech. 9.9–10.
121 Heb. 9. 14–28 interpreted Jesus' death as an atonement offering, and Paul and the author of the Johannine epistles also interpreted Jesus in terms of a sin offering. See The Consequences of the Covenant, pp. 222–35. On the Day of Atonement, the high priest had first offered a sacrifice for his own sins and those of his family. After that, he offered a second offering for the sins of all Israelites (Yoma 4.2–6.2). In the Lord's Supper, the clergyman still receives the elements for himself first and then serves the rest of the congregation.Google Scholar
122 After the fall of the temple, Jews were still required to bring their first fruits to priests (Bik. 1. 10), but they could bring them any time from the Feast of Weeks until the Feast of Tabernacles (Bik. 1. 10). Since they did not bring them to the same place at the same time, the significance of this feast was diminished. Christians continued to bring their first fruits to the bishop to be dedicated to God, but instead of seven kinds, they brought fruits of eleven kinds (Apos. Trad. iii. 1–5). Jesus' sacrifice was also considered the first fruits of the dead (I Cor. 15.20). This all meant that the mass took on part of the significance of Easter, Pentecost, Passover, and the Day of Atonement (Didascalia Apostolorum ix) [xxv]: [ii. 261: (p. 36).
