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Joseph and the Politics of Memory

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 August 2009

Abstract

Intense ethnic conflicts bring to the surface important paradoxes about the function of memory in politics. The capacity to remember is vital for political success, but too much memory, or the wrong kind of memory, stokes the fires of revenge. Successful political action demands both the capacity to remember and the capacity to forget. How and when each comes into play is difficult to formulate conceptually. A classic text in which the politics of memory plays a central role elucidates these issues and suggests central political dimensions of remembering and forgetting. This essay uses the story of Joseph in the Hebrew Bible to explore the politics of memory and to suggest factors that produce constructive and destructive results. It examines two principal forms: prudential and mythic, the qualities of which differ importantly. It concludes with an account of a third form: memory as a step toward political reconciliation.

The conundrum of memory: Healthier to remember? Surely it is best sometimes to forget–though not to forget Kosovo now. Eventual obliviousness may equally free all sides from the hereditary obligation to hate. ... What's happening there now amounts to a religious war between the future and the past. Beware: in that place, the past is a black hole.“ –Lance Morrow1

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © University of Notre Dame 2002

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References

This essay evolved through numerous revisions. In addition to those mentioned in the text, I am particularly grateful to David Cochran, Mike Lienesch, J. Budziszewski, Marianne Sawicki, and the anonymous readers of the Review of Politics.

1. The Balkans′ Heritage of Hatred”, Time, 12 04 1999, p. 53.Google Scholar

2. See Levinson, Sanford, “Silencing the Past: Public Monuments and the Tutelary State,” Philosophy and Public Policy 16 (1996): 611Google Scholar (with a response by Wasserman, David, pp. 1213Google Scholar).

3. All Scripture quotations are from the Revised Standard Version.

4. On these meaning of forget (sakah) in the Bible, Hebrew, see International Standard Bible Encyclopedia (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1982),Google Scholar s.v. “forget”.

5. Aaron Wildavsky paid close attention to the political lessons of Joseph and to the frequent misinterpretation of his life. Assimilation versus Separation: Joseph the Administrator and the Politics of Religion in Biblical Israel (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 1993).Google Scholar My debt to Wildavsky will be apparent. However, he did not consider the role that remembering and forgetting play in the story.

6. I am indebted to Mark Murphy for suggesting these ideas.

7. Wolin, , The Presence of the Past (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989), chap. 2.Google Scholar

8. Ibid., pp. 1–2.

9. On the different ways that the Battle of Salamis was remembered by Aeschylus, Thucydides, and Plato, and on the political implications for Athens and political philosophy, see Euben, J. Peter, “The Battle of Salamis and the Origins of Political Theory,” Political Theory 14 (1986): 359–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10. For a wide-ranging display of the subtleties of memory, see McConkey, James, ed., The Anatomy of Memory: An Anthology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).Google Scholar The brief reflections below owe much to the students in my graduate seminar on ancient and medieval political theory during Spring 1993. Thanks to Erol Kaymak, Monte L. Monroe, Michael B. Russell, Suzanne Balch Slater, and Dan B. Wimberly.

11. See Kayser, John R., “Noble Lies and Justice: On Reading Plato.” Polity 4 (1973): 489515.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

12. Plato, Laws 732c. The Laws of Plato, trans. Pangle, Thomas L. (New York: Basic Books, 1980).Google Scholar

13. See, for example, Elshtain, Jean Bethke, Augustine and the Limits of Politics (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1995), pp. 32–33, 5765.Google Scholar See City of Cod, 5.14.Google Scholar

14. The Confessions of Saint Augustine, trans. Pusey, Edward B. (New York: Modern Library, 1949)Google Scholar, bks. 10 and 9.

15. Cochran, Clarke E., “Aquinas, Prudence, and Health Care Policy,” in Public Policy and the Public Good, ed. Fishman, Ethan (New York: Greenwood Press, 1991), pp. 4762.Google Scholar

16. For an account of these tendencies, particularly in Hobbes and Locke, see Wolin, , Presence of the Past, chap. 2.Google Scholar Even the term political system places modernity at odds with memory, whose “vast storehouse” (Augustine) defeats systematization.

17. Dallmayr, Fred, “Liberating Remembrance: Thoughts on Ethics, Politics, and Recollection,” in Alternative Visions: Paths in the Global Village (Lanham, MD: Rowman and littlefield, 1998), p. 147.Google Scholar

18. Dienstag, , “Dancing in Chains”: Narrative and Memory in Political Theory (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997).Google Scholar

19. DeLue, , “The Political Theory of Forgetting” (Paper presented at the 1997 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC, 08 28–31).Google Scholar

20. For a summary of the scholarship on these matters, see Blenkinsopp, Joseph, The Pentateuch: An Introduction to the First Five Books of the Bible (New York: Doubleday, 1992),Google Scholar and Clifford, Richard J., S.J., , and Murphy, Roland E., Carm, O.., “Genesis,” in The New Jerome Biblical Commentary, ed. Brown, Raymond E., S.S., , Fitzmyer, Joseph A., S.J., , and Murphy, Roland E., Carm, O.. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1990).Google Scholar

21. Alter, , The World of Biblical Literature (New York: Basic, 1992), pp. 203204.Google Scholar A model literary reading is Josipovici, Gabriel, The Book of God: A Response to the Bible (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988).Google Scholar The exemplars for political readings of the Hebrew Scriptures are: Walzer, Michael, Exodus and Revolution (New York: Basic Books, 1985)Google Scholar and Wildavsky, Aaron, The Nursing Father: Moses as a Political Leader (University, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1984).Google Scholar See also Rosenberg, Joel, King and Kin: Political Allegory in the Hebrew Bible (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1986).Google Scholar Especially important for the Joseph story is Wildavsky, , Assimilation versus Separation.Google Scholar

22. Maly, Eugene H., “Genesis,” in The Jerome Biblical Commentary, ed. By Brown, Raymond E., S.S., , Fitzmyer, Joseph A., S.J., , and Murphy, Roland E., Carm, O.. (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1968).Google Scholar

23. Clifford, and Murphy, , “Genesis,” p. 40.Google Scholar Some take this interpretation overboard. The great contemporary Genesis expert, Claus Westermann, in a popular treatment of the Joseph stories misses their ironical and critical comments on Joseph. Westermarm even interprets Joseph's becoming an Egyptian as simply “going along,” while remaining true to his faith (Joseph: Eleven Bible Studies on Genesis [Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 1996]Google Scholar). This positive spin on the many puzzling features of Joseph's story is present also in ancient interpretations. See Kugel, James L., The Bible as It Was (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997), pp. 245–84.Google Scholar

24. Kugel, James L., In Potiphar's House: The Interpretation of Biblical Texts (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1990), p. 13.Google Scholar

25. Contrast this with Moses′ naming his first son, Gershom, because “I have been a sojourner in a foreign land” (Exod. 2:22). Moses does not forget who he is; Joseph wants to recreate an identity.

26. Kugel, , In Potiphar's HouseGoogle Scholar, reports that some early rabbinic interpretations of Joseph question his character, but these involve his attempted seduction by Potiphar's wife, not the elements of the story discussed here.

27. Wildavsky, , Assimilation versus Separation, p. 95,Google Scholar and International Standard Bible Encyclopedia, s.v.“remember.”

28. Kugel, , In Potiphar's House, pp. 1521;Google ScholarWildavsky, , Assimilation versus Separation, p. 111.Google Scholar

29. McWilliams, Wilson Carey, comments at the “Roundtable on Joseph,” 1992Google Scholar American Political Science Association Annual Meeting.

30. It might be objected, citing the last patriarchal theophany (Gen. 46:1–4), that this argument overstates the disastrous move from Palestine to Egypt. God after all tells Jacob that it is alright to go and that God will make him a great nation in Egypt. Note, however, that God calls him “Jacob,” not “Israel,” in this going. Moreover, God does not direct Jacob to go to Egypt, but appears to him only after he is on his way there. On this passage and on the will of God generally, see Wildavsky, , Assimilation versus Separation, pp. 110–11, 157–58.Google Scholar

31. On this passage, see Sacks, Robert, A Commentary on the Book of Genesis (Edward Mellen Press, 1991), pp. 405406.Google Scholar Jacob remembers better than Joseph that foundings are never secure.

32. Note that Jacob's own survival depended upon Esau's forgetting what Jacob did to him (Gen. 27: 45). Esau's forgetfulness seems to disqualify him as keeper of the promise, as founder.

33. See Clifford, and Murphy, ,“Genesis,” pp. 37, 42.Google Scholar It must be noted, however, that the tribe of Joseph's son Ephraim becomes one of the most important, and its name becomes synonymous with the northern kingdom of Israel after the division of the land following Solomon's death, part of the ambiguity of Joseph's legacy.

34. Wildavsky, , Assimilation versus Separation, p.141.Google Scholar See also Wildavsky, Aaron, “What is Permissible So That this People May Survive? Joseph the Administrator,” PS: Political Science and Politics 22 (1989): 783.Google Scholar

35. Josipovici, , The Book of God, pp. 83ff.Google Scholar In his dreams, Joseph never speaks to God; nor God him. His dreams are self-centered.

36. Wildavsky, , Assimilation versus Separation, esp. chaps. 5 and 8.Google Scholar

37. Ibid., pp. 55, 220ff. See also Alter, , World of Biblical Literature, pp. 114–16;Google Scholar and Clifford, and Murphy, , “Genesis,” p. 37.Google Scholar

38. Indeed, the argument of the essay is not that memory is the most important component of prudence, but that it is one vital element and that prudential memory takes a form different from mythic and other forms of remembering. Joseph's story helps to clarify these forms.

39. I am indebted in different ways to Robin Hoover and David Coolidge for this point.

40. Assmann, Jan misses this important point in Moses the Egyptian: The Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997).Google Scholar Assmann considers how the “grand narrative” of Exodus forever divides Egypt and Israel. Egypt is remembered as old and false; Israel as new and true. This is certainly correct, but the Exodus narrative also carefully and continually reminds the Israelites that they can become Egyptian if they become oppressors. Moreover, Joseph's story is potent reminder of how fully even a patriarch can take on the qualities of Egypt.

41. These chapters of Genesis contain another likeness. The caravan of Ishmaelites to whom the brothers sell Joseph are carrying to Egypt “gum, balm, and resin” (37: 25). On their second journey to Egypt, the brothers carry the same cargo (43:11). Not only must Israel remember its likeness to Egypt, it must also remember its kinship to Ishmael, not an insignificant lesson for Israelis and Arabs today!

42. An excellent treatment of members and aliens in liberal theory is Booth, William James, “Foreigners: Insiders, Outsiders, and the Ethics of Membership,” Review of Politics 59 (1997): 259–92.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

43. Alter, , World of Biblical Literature, chap. 5Google Scholar; Josipovici, , Book of God, p. 177.Google Scholar

44. See Dienstag, , “Dancing in Chains,” especially chap. 7.Google Scholar

45. I owe this formulation to John von Hey king.

46. An even more striking example of the kind of memory that repeats the past in order to forestall creative prospects in the present and future is the annual Orange “marching season” through Catholic neighborhoods in Northern Ireland to celebrate the Protestant victory of 1690. Here memory serves strife, conflict, and power. Enemies are clearly distinguished and viewed as unlike. Desperately needed is the will not to bring to mind, to forget certain features of the past in order to sustain hope for a different future.

47. Elshtain, , Augustine and the Limits of Politics, p. 63.Google Scholar

48. Wolin, , Presence of the Past, p. 184.Google Scholar

49. There is a burgeoning interdisciplinary field of “forgiveness studies,” which can only be alluded to here. See Heller, Scott, “Emerging Field of Forgiveness Studies Explores how We Let Go of Grudges,” Chronicle of Higher Education, 17 07 1998: A18A21.Google Scholar

50. Good examples of the growing literature here are: Volf, Miroslav, Exclusion and Embrace: A Theological Exploration of Identity, Otherness, and Reconciliation (Nashville, TN: Abingdon, 1996);Google ScholarShriver, Donald W. Jr, An Ethic for Enemies: Forgiveness in Politics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995);Google ScholarWink, Walter, When the Powers Fall: Reconciliation in the Healing of Nations (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1998);Google Scholar and Johnston, Douglas and Sampson, Cynthia, eds., Religion: The Missing Dimension of Statecraft (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994).Google Scholar Of course, within political theory, Arendt's, Hannah reflections on forgiveness have been influential, The Human Condition (Garden City: Doubleday Anchor, 1959), pp. 212–23.Google Scholar Although he focuses on only one part of a community, rather than communal memory, Peter Digeser has important things to say about when to forget and when to forgive. See Forgiveness and Politics: Dirty Hands and Imperfect Procedures,” Political Theory 26 (1998): 700–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

51. Shriver, , Ethic for Enemies, especially pp. 79.Google Scholar

52. Volf, , Exclusion and Embrace, pp. 131–46.Google Scholar See also the interview with Lapsley, Michael, a victim of apartheid violence and an activist in the reconciliation process in South Africa, “South Africa and the Healing of Memories,” America, 18–25 06 2001, pp. 811.Google Scholar

53. Douglas, , How Institutions Think (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1986), p. 80.Google Scholar

54. McWilliams, Wilson Carey argues that the Bible served such a function within American political history, “The Bible in the American Political Tradition,” in Political Anthropology III: Religion and Politics, ed. Aronoff, Myron J. (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1984), pp. 1145.Google Scholar