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30. Ibid.

31. Ibid.

32. Broockman says that the NAM would have not have said there was strong opposition if 36 percent against it “implied that the remaining 64 percent of respondents supported Medicare.” His point is as obscure as the NAM's report is ambiguous. The NAM did not mention the number in favor. Why not? It may have strategically neglected to report it. In light of the new survey Broockman cites, possibly up to one-third favored Medicare. A disinclination to report such a number would not surprise me at all, given the character of the NAM I describe: a puny, unrepresentative organization with an ultraconservative agenda.

33. The Democratic bill covered only hospitalization, while the Byrnes bill also covered drugs, outpatient medical services, and skilled nursing home care. The Byrnes bill was also more liberal because of its financing out of general revenues. Byrnes vehemently criticized the King-Anderson bill for relying on “the most regressive tax we have” and forcing middling level employees to pay for hospitalization of wealthy patients who had either paid nothing into the system or would pay a smaller share of their income. Many low-paid workers would pay none of the income taxes required for his bill's financing. The Byrnes bill had a semivoluntary element, and only in this sense was it less “liberal.” Like today's Part B of Medicare—inspired by Byrnes—it allowed retirees to opt out of all coverage and therefore skip paying the very modest (because heavily subsidized) premiums. Experts expected around 90 percent enrollment, about where Part B enrollment stands today. Swenson, Peter A., “B Is for Byrnes and Business: An Untold Story about Medicare,” Clio: Newsletter of Politics and History 16, no. 2 (Spring/Summer 2006): 39–40Google Scholar.

34. Broockman misrepresents my claims about the need to examine economic interests by imputing to me the view that they “should be regarded as more reliable” (his italics) than their so-called true preferences. I wrote, not “more reliable,” but “above all, facts about economic interests are needed to help sort out the tricky inferential problems involved in preference attribution.” In the context it is clear that “above all” does not mean “more reliable than.” It means “an indispensable complement to.”

35. Admittedly, my historical approach assumes that important parameters will remain constant in the short run. But politics, as well as business, is mostly about short-term profits, stock prices, and upcoming elections.

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37. Michael F. Cannon, “Why Wal-Mart Supports an Employer Mandate,” Cato at Liberty, July 1, 2009, https://www.cato.org/blog/why-wal-mart-supports-employer-mandate.

38. Along with other pettifogging quibbles about this quote, Broockman points out that Byrnes paraphrased his informant as saying, “maybe we might,” not just “might” (p. 30).

39. Swenson, “Misrepresented Interests,” 6.

40. Ibid., 10.

41. Broockman claims, again erroneously, that I regard favorable big business attitudes as a “necessary condition” for Medicare's passage. I wrote, with italics added here, “Evolving interests, not power balances, may often be a decisive factor, given politicians’ realistic worries about a business backlash and electoral losses if they pass reforms that undermine broad capitalist interests” (p. 2 in “Misrepresented Interests”).

42. Swenson, Capitalists against Markets.

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