Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-x5gtn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-12T06:02:29.039Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Land, Family and Women in Continental Europe, 701-1200

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 July 2017

David Herlihy
David Herlihy*
Affiliation:
Bryn Mawr College
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

In reconstructing the social and economic history of the early Middle Ages, perhaps the single, most salient obstacle to our research is the scant amount of information we possess concerning the household economy of the lay family, how the family managed its lands and divided its labors among its members. Our sources, overwhelmingly ecclesiastical in provenience, tell us fairly much of the organization of Church properties, and, through a few surviving royal records, we have some information too about royal estates. But at all times in medieval Europe, non-royal lay families owned or controlled the larger portion of the soil. We must try to learn more about how these propertied families managed their estates, and how internal family structure may have been affected by, or in turn may have influenced broader economic and social changes.

Type
Articles
Information
Traditio , Volume 18 , 1962 , pp. 89 - 120
Copyright
Copyright © 1962 New York, Fordham University Press 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 The author would like to express his thanks to Professor A. R. Lewis of the University of Texas for the opportunity to read and to benefit from the manuscript of his address on the position of women in Southern France and Cataloni a given a t the annual dinner of the Mediaeval Academy of America, at the meeting of the American Historical Association inNew York, December, 1960.Google Scholar

2 Cf. Balon, J., La structure et la gestion du domaine de i'eqlise au moyen age dans I’ Europedes Francs (Ius Medii Aevi 1; Namur 1959.)Google Scholar

3 Gaudemet, J., ‘Le statut de la femme dans l'empire romain,’ La femme (Recueils de a Societe Jean Bodin 11; Brussels 1959) 177–89, with bibliography.Google Scholar

4 Merschberger, G., Die Rechtsstellung der germanischen Frau (Mannus-Bücherei 57; Leipzig 1937); Weinhold, K., Die deutschen Frauen in dem Mittelalter (3rd ed. Vienna 1897). For Spain see Ε. de Hinojosa y Naveros, ‘La comunidad domestica en Espana durante la edad media,’ Obras II (Madrid 1955) 329-41, and ‘Sobre la condiciôn de la mujer casada en la esfera del derecho civil,’ ibid. 345-88; Sanchez Albornoz, C., ‘La mujer espanola hace mil anos,’ Espana y el Islam (Buenos Aires 1943) 83-142; Garcia Gallo, A., Curso de historia del derecho espanol (Madrid 1950) II 83-91. For Italy, Besta, È., La famiglia nella storia del diritto italiano (Padua 1935); Marongiu, A., La famiglia nell’ Italia méridionale (Milan i944); Calisse, G., A History of Italian Law (transi. L. Β. Register, Boston 1928) 519-22. For France, Lehmann, A., Le rôle de la femme dans l'histoire de France au moyen âge (Paris 1952).Google Scholar

5 MGH, Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (ed. Boretius, A., Hanover 1883) 8 no. 4.Google Scholar

6 Leipoldt, J., Die Frau in der antiken Welt und im Urchristentum (2nd ed. Leipzig 1954).Google Scholar

7 Naples, no. 591, 11 May 1108. References to chartularies and parchment collections are cited in the notes according to their place of provenience. For full bibliographical references, see the explanation given in the bibliographical Appendix.Google Scholar

8 Ordre du Temple, no. 148, 4 March 1138.Google Scholar

9 Vienne — Saint-André-le-Bas, no. 8*, 16 Jan. 875, ‘regnante domno nostro Karolo filium Judit. ‘ On Judith's career, see Vogelsang, T., Die Frau als Herrscherin im hohen Mittelalter (Berlin 1954) 13–5.Google Scholar

10 Amalfi, no. 208, 3 March 1182.Google Scholar

11 Novalesa, no. 2, 5 March 739. Edited likewise in Grenoble p. 35 and France - Diplo mata, no. 559.Google Scholar

12 Volturno, no. 176, 874, ‘Nomina servorum de Flaturno. ‘ The similar, undated list of ‘servi’ owned by the monastery in the Valle Tritana shows four out of fifty-six bearing a matronymic (ibid. I 333).Google Scholar

13 Ghent - Saint-Pierre, no. 220, 1137. See also no. 391.Google Scholar

14 …generatio eorum semper ad inferiora declinentur’ according to the Lex Ribuaria 58.11 (ed. A. Eckhardt, Weimar 1934, p. 174).Google Scholar

15 Children of colliberti, serfs widely found in the records of North-Western France, were usually divided between their parents’ lords. Cf. Marmoutier—Chartularium vindocinense no. 161, 1071, ‘Guillelmus calumpniatus est nobis medietatem filiorum, propter colibertam patris sui.’ Where no formal division was made, each lord could apparently claim half of each collibertus. Marmoutier - Livre des serfs, no. 55, 1163, ‘… abbas et monachi assere- bant predictos quidem ejusdem Huberti colibertos esse ex matre, monachorum vero ex patre.’ The frequently divided ownership over these serfs deriving from the marriages of serfs of different lords may be an explanation for their somewhat mysterious name, as the suffix con- or col- suggests some sort of joint ownership. Cf. Balon, Domaine de l'église I 175-81.Google Scholar

16 Capua, no. 11, Dec. 1109.Google Scholar

17 Above, n. 7.Google Scholar

18 Florence — Santa Maria (Badia), no. 70, 23 March 1070.Google Scholar

19 Cf. Pisa, no. 143, 16 Feb. 1060, in which Ermingarda, ‘filia bone memorie Vuille,’ includes among those for whom prayers are requested ‘Eriti qui fuit genitor suus.’Google Scholar

20 Cf. Camaldoli, no. 682, 13 Oct. 1106, ‘Bernardinus Sidonie filius, ‘ and no. 705, Oct. 1109, where the same man is identified as ‘Bernardinus filius olim Feralmi.’ See also nos. 567, 568, 639, 791 and 814. Feralmus, Bernardinus’ father, figures in nos. 558-60, 1090, and was apparently not a cleric. See also Gorze, no. 33, 21 Dec. 795, where the same man figures as ‘Deodatus filius Agliberti’ in the text of the charter and ‘Deodati filii Teudradane’ in the subscription.Google Scholar

21 Numerous examples in Aragon — Liber feudorum maior.Google Scholar

22 Maguelone, no. 103, ‘Eu Raymons de Castrias, filz de Guilhelma, per mandamen de meteissa Guilhelma et de Raymond de Gastrias, mon payre …’Google Scholar

23 Cluny, no. 2984, 1049–1060 and no. 3031, 1049–1109. Cf. also Vienne — Saint-André-le- Bas, no. 64*, ca. 1090, ‘ego Vigo comes, filius Gotelenne’ (Guigues-le-Gras, son of Guigues- l'Ancien). For Germany, see Lorsch, no. 228, end March 782, Heimricus comes filius domne nostre Willisuuinde.Google Scholar

24 In order, Eslonza, no. 122, 1199; Liébana, no. 96, 20 Sept. 1067; Reggio — Liber grossus, no. 16, 1 Apr. 1198; Chartres — Saint-Père, no. 54, 1101–1115.Google Scholar

25 Montpellier — Guillems. The editor, A. Germain, provides a genealogical table in the introduction.Google Scholar

26 Saint-Maixent, no. 112, 1045–1050.Google Scholar

27 La Merci-Dieu, no. 88, March 1239, ‘Ludovico rege Francie, filio domine Blanchie, feliciter imperante. ‘Google Scholar

28 Silos, no. 38, 1 Apr. 1126; see also nos. 45 and 46 and Vega, no. 33, 10 May 1125, ‘Ade- fonsus rex filius regine domne Urrace.’ Liber feudorum maior, no. 278, 5 Nov. 1053 for Sicardis and no. 289, 1062 for ‘ Geralli filius Sichardis.’Google Scholar

29 Morlaas — Sainte-Foi, no. 8, 1173–1223. Gaston's father was Guillaume de Moncade; this is one of many examples which could be cited in which a son bearing a matronymic has a name different from his father's.Google Scholar

30 Cf. Ganshof, F. L., Feudalism (transi. Grierson, P., London - New York 1952) 119–22; M. Bloch, La société jéodale I (Paris 1949) 310; P. Guilhermoz, Essai sur l'origine de la noblesse en France au moyen âge (Paris 1902) 199.Google Scholar

31 MGH, Constitutions 1 (ed. L. Weiland, Hanover 1903) 89–91 no. 45.Google Scholar

32 Cf. Richard, A., Histoire des comtes de Poitou 778-1204 (Paris 1903) I 237–265.Google Scholar

33 Cf. Barchewitz, J., Von der Wirtschaftstätigkeit der Frau in der vorgeschichtlichen Zeit bis zur Entfaltung der Stadtwirtschaft (Breslau 1937); Grosse, E., Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der Wirtschaft (Freiburg-Leipzig 1896).Google Scholar

34 De Germania 14, 25 (ed. C. Halm, Leipzig 1911, pp. 227-8 and 232).Google Scholar

35 M GH, Capit. 2 (Hanover 1897) 517-30.Google Scholar

36 Liber apologeticus pro filiis Ludovici pii imperatoris, PL 104.314A : ‘Si qua regina semetipsam regere non novit, quomodo de honestate palatii curam habebit…?’Google Scholar

37 MGH, Capit. 1. 82-91, especially cap. 16.Google Scholar

38 Aragon — Liber feudorum maior, no. 489, 1056, ‘Et dono tibi illud mobile quod est in conveniencia dandum castellanis per unumquemque annum.’Google Scholar

39 Aragon — Liber feudorum maior, no. 278, 5 Nov. 1053.Google Scholar

40 Miracula s. Bononii abbatis presb. ASS 40 (Aug. VI) 633 Ε: ‘Non mihi est … tantarum copia opum, quae mihi, et omnibus a me petentibus sufficere possit.’ For the identification, see H. Bresslau, Jahrbücher des deutschen Reiches unter Konrad II I (Leipzig 1879) 393.Google Scholar

41 Attonis Ε ρ is tu la 9, PL 134.117D.Google Scholar

42 Annalista Saxo, M GH, Scriptores 6.608.Google Scholar

43 Die Briefe des Bischofs Rather von Verona (ed. F. Weigle, MGH Briefe der deutschen Kaiserzeit 1; Weimar 1949) 165 no. 29.Google Scholar

44 According to Liutprand of Cremona, Marozia was the mistress of one pope and the mother of another. Liudprandi Antapodosis (ed. Becker, J., MGH Script, in usum schol.; Hanover - Leipzig 1915) 96, but the accuracy of his account is questionable. Cf. M.-L. Port- mann, Die Darstellung der Frau in der Geschichtschreibung des früheren Mittelalters (Basel - Stuttgart 1958) 110.Google Scholar

45 Cluny, no. 1535, July 980.Google Scholar

46 Herlihy, D., ‘Church Property on the European Continent 701-1200,’ Speculum 36 (1961) 83–4.Google Scholar

47 Lorsch, no. 257, 792-793.Google Scholar

48 See Herlihy, ‘Church Property.’Google Scholar

49 Marmoutier — Chartularium vindocinense, no. 126, 1060–1080.Google Scholar

50 Auch — Chapitre cathédrale, no. 64, ca. 1146.Google Scholar

51 Liudprandi Antapodosis 67.Google Scholar

52 Defourneaux, M., Les Français en Espagne aux XIe et XIIe siècles (Paris 1949).Google Scholar

53 So Bernard states in a letter to Pope Eugenins, cited by V. Berry in Κ. M. Setton, A History of the Crusades I (ed. Baldwin, M., Philadelphia 1955) 472.Google Scholar

54 Translated by Jeanroy, A., La poésie lyrique des troubadours II (Toulouse 1934) 299.Google Scholar