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‘The dissolution of cities’: the Horseshoe settlement in Weimar Berlin

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 August 2017

NATALLIA BARYKINA*
Affiliation:
Faculty of Information, University of Toronto, Toronto, M5S 3G6, Canada

Abstract:

By considering the material processes by which the Horseshoe housing estate in Berlin came into being as aesthetic vision, constructed environment and inhabited living space, this article focuses on the complex manner by which the ideas of planners and architects ‘migrate’ into actual built forms. I evaluate the roles played by emergent technologies and new building methods as well as the managerial directives of state and civic bureaucracies, assessing how co-operative and competing aesthetic visions and the life practices of inhabitants are involved in the coproduction of Weimar public housing.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2017 

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References

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18 My discussion here is largely indebted to Rosemarie Haag Bletter's comprehensive dissertation. See R. Haag Bletter, ‘Bruno Taut and Paul Sheerbart's vision: utopian aspects of German expressionist architecture’, Columbia University Ph.D. thesis, 1973.

19 Taut, Auflösung der Städte, plate 1, as cited and translated in Haag Bletter, ‘Bruno Taut’, 218.

20 Haag Bletter, ‘Bruno Taut’, 229.

21 B. Taut, ‘Siedlungsmemoiren’, unpublished manuscript, Berlin, 1936, 10.

22 See Taut, B., ‘Neue und Alte Form in Bebaungsplan’, Wohnungswirtschaft, 3 (1926), 198–9Google Scholar. A picture of an American stadium that is visually strikingly similar to the Horseshoe estate is included in Taut, B., Die Neue Baukunst in Europa and Amerika (Stuttgart, 1929)Google Scholar.

23 The drawing of the Volkshaus is reproduced in Hilpert, T., Hufeisensiedlung Britz 1926–1980. Ein alternativer Siedlungsbau der 20er Jahre als Studienobjekt (Berlin, 1980), 43Google Scholar.

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28 B. Taut, ‘Aufruf zum Farbigen Bauen’ (1919), in Hilpert, Hufeisensiedlung, 139.

29 Using Taut's early theoretical works, which customarily are assigned by art critics (at least in the 1980s) to expressionist visionary utopias and fantasies, along with his later housing estates projects that are usually described in the language of functionalism, Haag Bletter has argued that the continuities between expressionism and Neues Bauen are found not so much on ‘a stylistic, formal level’, but in ‘underlying social convictions’. See Haag Bletter, Bruno Taut, 117.

30 B. Taut, ‘Wie sich Gemeinschaftsgeist in einem Bau verkörpern kann’ (1924), in Hilpert, Hufeisensiedlung, 116.

31 As cited in Lane, Architecture and Politics in Germany, 247.

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33 Wagner, ‘Wohnungsbau im Grossbetrieb’ (1924), in Hilpert, Hufeisensiedlung, 161. To approach Wagner's ideas of city planning, scholars employ Tafuri's argument, for whom Wagner's work was symptomatic of the whole project of Weimar urban planning, where rationalization became a substitute for socialization; socialist aims became subsumed by the belief in rationalized methods; Tafuri and Hake both point out that Wagner's project was rather about ‘socialization through rationalization, with the original dream of socialism now translated into reformist strategies and administrative solutions’. See Hake, Topographies of Class, 40; and Tafuri, The Sphere and the Labyrinth, 201.

34 Wagner, ‘Rationalisierter Wohnungsbau’ (1924), in Hilpert, Hufeisensiedlung, 161.

35 Wagner, ‘Wohnungsbau im Grossbetrieb’, 161.

36 Ibid., 160.

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39 And today, continues to represent socially progressive planning, albeit as a ‘legacy’ within neoliberal housing policies.

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46 ‘Kleinstwohnungsgrundrisse’, EINFA Nachrichtenblatt, 1/4 (1930), 4.

47 Hilpert, Hufeisensiedlung, 88. By incorporating discussions in architectural history, analysis of funding mechanisms and interviews about everyday life in the Horseshoe estate, Hilpert's study enlists the stories of community building in the Horseshoe estate with the aim of delineating distinct narratives of communal life in various periods of the estate's history. Explicitly, the project places the settlement into narratives of resistance to Nazism. The oral narratives themselves, producing a ‘representational space’, complexly mix perceptions of satisfaction of living there in the late 1920s with nostalgia. Keeping in mind that the interviews collected in the book provide a highly selective account, I use them to further clarify relations among tenants’ home decorating practices, financing mechanisms, various degrees of influence, mandates, coercion by the politicians, planners, architects and the management of the estates.

48 Ibid., 88.

49 As cited in von Saldern, A., ‘The workers’ movement and cultural patterns on urban housing estates and in rural settlements in Germany and Austria during the 1920s’, Social History, 15 (1990), 345CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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52 As cited in ‘Kurzgefasste Firmengeschichte der GEHAG’, in Huse, Jaeggi and Wolsdorff (eds.), Siedlungen der Zwanziger Jahre- Heute, 206.

53 Von Saldern, ‘Lebensbedinungen und Lebenschancen’, 55.

54 Hilpert, Hufeisensiedlung, 86.

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59 As David Haney has argued, Migge was a contradictory and ideologically inconsistent thinker, whose emphases changed at various periods of his career. Migge's involvement in designing gardens for numerous Siedlungen in Berlin with modernist planners and architects such as Wagner and Taut was conditioned by a sustained theoretical interest and practice of the ideas of the garden city movement, by his commitments to Peter Kropotkin's anarchist politics and by the influence of Arts and Crafts conceptions of self-sufficient gardens for small communities. Migge was also actively publishing in conservative magazines and in the early 1930s he went so far as to express his support for the Nazi Party. See Haney, D., When Modern Was Green: Life and Work of Landscape Architect Leberecht Migge (New York, 2010), 221–52Google Scholar.

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68 Migge, ‘Höfe und Gärten’, 165–70. On the comparison of the original plan by Migge and the final plan by Ottokar Wagler, see Haney, When Modern Was Green, 183–5.

69 The park area was administered by the district of Neukölln and GEHAG did not have influence in relation to the design. See J. Tomisch and A. Jaeggi, ‘Grossiedlung Britz, Dokumentation und Rekonstruktiomdes Originalzustandes’, unpublished report for GEHAG (Berlin, 1991), cited in Haney, When Modern Was Green, 184.

70 ‘Erweiterung des Grossiedlung Britz’, EINFA Nachrichtenblatt, 1/4 (1930), 4–5.