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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 June 2011
Soviet political scholars have argued that, since 1970, it has become impossible for the United States to pursue a “positions-of-strength” foreign policy effectively. These analysts feel that in the past, the U.S. has relied heavily on projecting its military strength in diplomatic affairs, and that changes in the international political and economic order now prevent the continuation of this policy. A study of the positions-ofstrength issue in Soviet scholarly journals reveals that Soviet scholars do not agree on how the United States will react to this development. While the majority contends that the U.S. will try to regain its ability to pursue positions-of-strength diplomacy, a significant minority believes that the time is right for a deepening of Soviet-American cooperation. Although the prospects for cooperation appear less promising at present than they did during 1972–1975, the study shows a general softening on the subject of cooperation since 1970.
1 Conquest, The Soviet Union: Internal Dynamics of Foreign Policy, Present and Future. Hearings Before the Subcommittee on Europe and the Middle East of the Committee on International Relations. House of Representatives, 95th Cong., 1st sess., September-October 1977. (Washington: G.P.O. 1978), 191–92.
2 Azrael, Hearings, ibid., 271.
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4 The Soviets proceed from the following assumptions concerning historical scholar-ship: history develops according to material laws and can, therefore, be studied scientifically; any situation has a correct and an incorrect interpretation; given the correct facts, historical situations can be understood objectively; historical science has propaganda value; scholars have ideological duties. “Ot redaktsii” [From the Editors], Istoriia SSSR (March-April 1957), 3–6.
5 The origins of this tradition are discussed in Daniels, Robert, The Conscience of the Revolution (New York: Simon & Schuster 1960)Google Scholar.
6 The reader is reminded that the Soviets define “peaceful coexistence” as a form of non-military struggle between socialism and capitalism. Since, as Lenin wrote, uneven political and economic development make the simultaneous attainment of socialism in many countries impossible, and since a major war would be counterproductive for all the peoples of the world, socialism must unseat capitalism by methods other than direct military engagement. Such coexistence, however, “does not affect internal affairs in the states, does not affect the revolutionary struggle for socialism of the working class of the capitalist countries … [and] assumes no compromise on ideological questions. … The ‘positions-of-strength' policy, the arms race, and the ‘cold war' contradict the principle of p[eaceful] cfoexistence].” Gromyko, Anatoly A. and others, Diplotnaticheskii slovar' [Dictionary of Diplomatic Terms], II (Moscow: Izdatel'stvo politicheskoi literatury 1971), 296–98Google Scholar. (Unless otherwise noted, all translations are by the present author.)
Soviet writers maintain that the U.S.S.R. has pursued this policy since its early years. See ibid.; also Matveev, V., “Mirnoe sosushchestvovanie—real'naia sila mezhdunarodnogo razvitiia” [Peaceful Coexistence—the Real Force of International Progress], Mezhdunarodnaia zhizn' (July 1973), 3Google Scholar; Sivachev, Nikolai and Yakovlev, Nikolai, Russia and the United States, trans, by Titelbaum, Olga Adler (Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1979), 35–42Google Scholar.
7 Znanie [Knowledge] is a society with a membership of 2.5 million in all the republics of the U.S.S.R. Of that number, 107,000 hold the Soviet degrees of doctor or candidate of science.
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11 This vulnerability is not openly admitted in Soviet writing. Thus, even though the United States held a monopoly on atomic weapons at the end of World War II, the Soviet interpretation states that a “balance of power” existed between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. at the close of the war. The launching of a positions-of-strength foreign policy is depicted not as the pressing of an advantage, but as an attempt to use atomic stockpiling to upset the existing balance. See Sivachev and Yakovlev (fn. 6), 224, 249.
12 Quoted in Larionov, V. V., “Transformatsiia kontseptsii ‘strategicheskoi dostatochnosti'” [The Transformation of the “Strategic Sufficiency” Concept], SShA (November 1971), 29Google Scholar.
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20 The significance of 1970 is accepted without exception among Soviet writers. By late 1976, Trofimenko, G. A. refers to the “axiom” that the end of the 1960s marked the beginning of a new era. “Vneshniaia politika SShA v 70-e gody: deklaratsii i praktika” [U.S. Foreign Policy in the 1970s: Declarations and Practice], SShA (December 1976), 15Google Scholar.
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26 The Soviet term for what is called “détente” in the West.
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38 Zavialov (fn. 9), 67–68.
39 Shevchenko, A., “Razoruzhenie—razreshimaia zadacha” [Disarmament—A Soluble Problem], Mezhdunarodnaia zhizn' (April 1971), 100Google Scholar. In view of Shevchenko's defection to the United States in 1977 while he was employed at the United Nations, and of his involvement with U.S. intelligence services, the sincerity of his pre-defection writings might be questioned. However, since his ambivalent articles are not dissimilar to other Soviet writings of the period, and since those articles both advocate disarmament and warn of future U.S. aggression (see below), I feel that it would be a mistake, in reading his articles, to overemphasize his subsequent defection.
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47 Trofimenko (fn. 21), 7–16; Trofimenko, “SSSR-SShA …” (fn. 19), 12; Primakov, E., “Politicheskaia razriadka i problema razoruzheniia” [Political Détente and the Problem of Disarmament], Mirovaia ekonomika (October 1975), 3–12Google Scholar.
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54 A few examples: Khesin, E., “Militarizm i uglublenie obshchego krizisa kapitalizma” [Militarism and the Deepening of the General Crisis of Capitalism], Mirovaia ekonomika (December 1975), 57–68Google Scholar; Iur'ev, D. P., “Chto stoit za mifom o ‘sovetskoi ugroze?’” [What Is Behind the Myth of the “Soviet Menace?”], SShA (September 1976), 62–68Google Scholar; Zhurkin, V. V., “Vzgliad iznutri VPK” [The View from Inside the Military-Industrial Complex], SShA (January 1977), 79–81Google Scholar; Nikonov, A., “Voennaia razriadka i perestroika mezhdunarodnykh otnoshenii” [Military Détente and the Reorientation of International Relations], Mirovaia ekonomika (June 1977), 28–39Google Scholar.
55 A good example is Trofimenko (fn. 20), 27.
56 Trofimenko, G. A., “Ot politiki konfrontatsii k politike sosushchestvovanie” [From a Policy of Confrontation to Peaceful Coexistence], Mezhdunarodnaia zhizn' (September 1975), 37–46Google Scholar; Migolat'ev, A., “Voenno-promyshlennyi kompleks i gonka vooruzhenii” [The Military-Industrial Complex and the Arms Race], Mezhdunarodnaia zhizn' (October 1975), 76Google Scholar; Ivanov, N., “Razriadka mezhdunarodnoi napriazhennosti i al'ternativy voennoi ekonomike” [Detente and the Alternatives to a Military Econ-omy], Mirovaia ekonomika (November 1976), 62Google Scholar; Oleshchuk, Iu. F., “Nesostoiatel'nye argumenty protivnikov razriadki” [Bankrupt Arguments of the Opponents of Détente], SShA (October 1977), 33–39Google Scholar.
57 The sole exception: Iudina, T. N., “‘Faktor kongressa’ vo vneshnoi politike SShA 70-kh godov” [The “Congress Factor” in U.S. Foreign Policy in the 1970s], SShA (April 1978), 71–77Google Scholar.
