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  • Cited by 9
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    This (lowercase (translateProductType product.productType)) has been cited by the following publications. This list is generated based on data provided by CrossRef.

    Kearney, Matthew 2018. Totally alive: the Wisconsin Uprising and the source of collective effervescence. Theory and Society, Vol. 47, Issue. 2, p. 233.

    Watson, Matthew C. 2017. Imitation and society: How Boasian anthropology reassembled the social. Anthropological Theory, Vol. 17, Issue. 2, p. 135.

    Jancsics, David 2014. Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Corruption. Sociology Compass, Vol. 8, Issue. 4, p. 358.

    Maryanski, Alexandra 2014. The Birth of the Gods. Sociological Theory, Vol. 32, Issue. 4, p. 352.

    Malczewski, Eric 2013. Social Theories of History and Histories of Social Theory. Vol. 31, Issue. , p. 161.

    Dawson, Matt 2013. Against the Big Society: A Durkheimian socialist critique. Critical Social Policy, Vol. 33, Issue. 1, p. 78.

    Goldberg, Chad Alan 2011. The Jews, the Revolution, and the Old Regime in French Anti-Semitism and Durkheim's Sociology. Sociological Theory, Vol. 29, Issue. 4, p. 248.

    Greenhouse, Carol J. 2011. Durkheim and Law: Divided Readings overDivision of Labor. Annual Review of Law and Social Science, Vol. 7, Issue. 1, p. 165.

    Adloff, Frank 2007. Marcel Mauss — Durkheimien oder eigenständiger Klassiker der französischen Soziologie?. Berliner Journal für Soziologie, Vol. 17, Issue. 2, p. 231.

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  • Print publication year: 2005
  • Online publication date: April 2008

5 - The Durkheimian movement in France and in world sociology

from Part I: - Life, context, and ideas
Summary

Émile Durkheim was not merely an individual, but the head, simultaneously symbolic and real, of a social movement. Of all the “great sociologists” who make up the canon of founders of the discipline, Durkheim's work was most thoroughly a collective production. This is so in every sense recognized by present-day sociologists. We are inclined to see any individual as a product of social conditions who responds to problems set by his or her historical milieu with the tools then at hand; yet we often set sharp limits to such sociologizing in the case of our particular intellectual heroes. Our feeling of respect raises them to the status of uniquely creative individuals, a sacred realm from which we, in turn, receive a sense of participation in something more important than ourselves. It is an unfinished task to explain why we feel more elevated in worshipping a heroized individual than in showing respect for the accomplishments of a social movement: why the collective symbol is generally an individual even where we have the ability to recognize the collectivity itself. In the case of some putative sociological founders, such as Karl Marx, the name of the emblem swallows up even known co-authors, like Friedrich Engels, who were often as much animator and originator as collaborator (Carver 1983; Rigby 1992). The intellectual world, as much as politics or religion, needs a sociology of the construction of emblems.

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The Cambridge Companion to Durkheim
  • Online ISBN: 9781139001137
  • Book DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/CCOL9780521806725
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