This chapter unites my findings based on the three case-study examinations. The theory of political translation advanced here provides an empirical account of the conditions that foster the emergence of political translation collectives and their empowering potential for democracy. The central argument is that truly democratic deliberation including diverse groups depends on the institutionalization of a third position for political translation. The collectives of political translators that I saw emerge independently in both Europe and the United States sought not only to disrupt and challenge cultural and social hierarchies within existing deliberative models of neutral facilitation and cultural mediation, but also to use political translation as a foundational model for democracy—a democracy that stems from the need to reconcile inequality and misunderstandings based on differences. Paradoxically, inclusive and effective decision-making was more easily achieved within transnational, high-priority, multilingual political arenas such as the international European Social Forum groups, and not necessarily within local or national movement arenas, as the literature on democratic deliberation suggests. What defines linguistic and/or cultural translators as political translators is their ability to enact collective, conscious, disruptive interventions that challenge dominant social relations—a practice that contradicts the commitment to neutrality in facilitation and deliberation.