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Mexico's economic relationship with China has intensified substantially in the last decade. Based on an increasing literature on the overall and aggregate relationship, this analysis proposes a detailed examination of the auto parts-automobile chain, which is of utmost importance for both countries and will be significant for understanding the future trade relationship between them. In order to understand the industrial organization of Mexico and China, the article first gives an overview of the international trade and industrial organization patterns. After establishing the characteristics of Mexico's and China's legal framework, production, employment and trade, the analysis concludes with a group of proposals to improve binational co-operation. Both countries – China interested in increasing its export platform based on Chinese parts brands and Mexico supplying parts and components and providing decades of experiences in international networks – can benefit from these suggestions and overcome current tensions.
Limitations of fiscal policy in an incomplete market
Policy effectiveness in relation to economic growth
The interaction between fiscal and monetary policies was a much-debated issue between Keynesians and Monetarists. According to post- Keynesian mainstream economics, in macroeconomic regulation the government should, except in times of crisis, avoid adopting fiscal and monetary policies that are tight or loose at the same time. A better choice is to pair tight fiscal policy with loose monetary policy, or loose fiscal policy with tight monetary policy. Monetarists, in principle, are not opposed to the interaction between fiscal and monetary policies, but they maintain that fiscal policy has great limitations. For example, a loose fiscal policy may not achieve the expected goals because fiscal expansion tends to partially “crowd out” private consumption and private investment, but if fiscal policy is tight, it cuts into the economic growth rate, resulting in fiscal expenditure cutbacks that invariably bring down fiscal revenue, thereby diverting the fiscal policy from its prescribed goals. Consequently, they believe that monetary policy is more effective than fiscal policy. Such is the basic policy preference of Monetarists.
In a policy debate with Monetarists, Keynesians further argue that the coordination between fiscal and monetary policies should be discussed in combination with economic policy goals. To be specific, they argue that it is necessary to observe the effects of the coordination between these two policies from the perspective of whether it is conducive to economic stability and sustainable growth.
China's increasing, and increasingly visible, engagement in Latin America has led to a variety of analyses, many based on either international relations notions of realism or international political economy precepts of trade. Rather than seeing China's rhetoric on its relations with Latin America as fluff that conceals a harder reality, this article takes rhetoric seriously as a device of “framing and claiming”: a way in which political elites in China interpret the fast-changing developing world and China's place in it. The article explores how political elites have understood the sources of China's own domestic development and then projected those notions on to other parts of the developing world, through earlier “fractal” logics of development whereby each state repeats one model of development in its own way and a currently dominant “division of labour” logic that posits one integrated model of development whereby complementarity and comparative advantage hold sway. The article concludes with a comparison of China's relations with Peru and Brazil, suggesting that China's bilateral relations with Brazil indicate a newer, emerging rhetoric of global partnership based on equality.
Has China been a hegemonic challenge to the United States in Latin America in recent years? The article explores this question by setting a comparison with historical cases of instances of hegemonic challenge in Latin America, searching for similarities and differences, and looking for makers of rivalry as a way to start to distinguish perception from reality. I stress the instrumentality of framing issues, since they serve for internal mobilization and for control of allies. The article also attempts to illuminate the issue of how the United States has reacted to China's growing presence in an area historically considered within its sphere of interests, or “backyard,” and about the dialogue between the United States and China about the region. It provides insights on the United States, China and Latin American countries’ policy makers’ thinking, collected through off-the- record interviews and closed-door debriefings.
The topic of my speech today is the relationship between economic reform, new public ownership, and a new culture. In my opinion, when we clarify the relationship between these three things, we will gain a better idea about the significance of and prospects for the economic reform that has been going on in our country for a whole decade, and find it a lot easier to understand the trials and tribulations our nation has gone through in the course of it.
The study of people
In studying economic issues we are obliged to face certain questions. What is the purpose of growing the economy? For whom do we provide products, labor, and service? Why should we turn out more and more products and provide more and more labor and service? These questions boil down to one: What is the purpose of production? Common sense tells us that production per se is not the purpose. Human beings do not live in the world merely as laborers. People do not come into this world to serve production – it is production that serves people. The purpose of production is for people to be better cared for and better educated. It defeats the purpose of production if we concentrate single-mindedly on offering more products while our standard of living and cultural and educational attainments remain the same, and if our people are not duly respected and cannot live up to their potentials.
Years have passed since economic restructuring came under way in this nation. What is to be done next? Here I would like to share my thoughts, which come in twenty-eight points, and involve seven issues altogether. Some of these ideas may be controversial, but I see controversy as a good thing. Without discussion and debate, there will be no economic prosperity.
Ownership reform holds the key to economic restructuring
(1) Economic restructuring may break down if price reform fails. The success of economic restructuring, however, hinges not on price reform, but on ownership reform, which entails revamping the corporate system. This is because price reform serves the main purpose of shaping an environment in favor of the growth of the market economy, but only ownership reform or corporate system reform can address such issues as interests, responsibility, motivation, and incentives.
(2) The purpose of ownership reform is to build state firms truly liable for their own gains and losses. Being “truly liable for their own gains and losses” means that, for one thing, firms should bear all the consequences of financial losses, and for another, gains and losses must be symmetrically treated not only for firms but also for their leaders. The most crucial task of ownership reform is to make state firms really accountable for their successes and failures, and, even more so, to answer the question of what is to be done with firms in the red.
This article offers an analytical introduction to some important Cuba-related discussions in China in the last two-and-a-half decades. No Latin American nation has been treated like Castros' (Fidel and Raul) Cuba in China's ideological development. Cuba's revolutionary experience in the past and the regime's defiance of major global trends – from retreat of socialism to advancement of neo-liberalism – correspond to a wide range of opinions in China and are exploited by them to address their own concerns. To borrow Orientalist analysis, just like the “Other” helps define “Self,” as a “socialist Other,” Cuba in Chinese perception often reflects China's own confusions and contradictions.