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Edited by
Gwendolyn Hyslop, Specialist in the East Bodish languages of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh,Stephen Morey, Associate Director of the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology at La Trobe University,Mark W. Post, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Anthropological Linguistics at The Cairns Institute of James Cook University in Cairns, Australia
Kudeng War is a dialect of Nongtalang-Nongbareh War, one of the three sub-groups of War, itself a nearly unknown, unwritten conservative Mon- Khmer (MK) language. War is spoken by approximately 65,000 speakers mostly in Meghalaya, North-eastern India. Wars are mostly betel nuts planters on slopes and small isolated groups remain in Bangladesh, in Assam and between Mizoram and Tripura states on the former space of an important pre-colonial Pnar kingdom. War belongs to a group comprising Pnar, Khasi, Lyngngam (PWKL) and many “composite varieties”. An overview with two linguistic maps of PWKL and War and also a glossed sample text in War can be found in Daladier (this volume).
War serial verb constructions (SVCs) share common features with SE Asian SVCs, like adversative constructions and serial lexicalization as a complementation strategy. They also exhibit features not yet described which might be shared by other Austroasiatic languages. War SVCs include values expressed differently in a language like English, in active and in passive verbal auxiliations and also in “light verb” constructions; they also include values expressed in English clausal dependencies without realis/ irrealis, finite/non finite or past participial/gerund morphology.
In addition to these values, grammaticalized in their own way, grammaticalized SVCs in War express productively values not grammaticalized in English. They express especially a gradience of active and passive values associated with subjectivity values referring to the speaker (or his subject).
Edited by
Gwendolyn Hyslop, Specialist in the East Bodish languages of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh,Stephen Morey, Associate Director of the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology at La Trobe University,Mark W. Post, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Anthropological Linguistics at The Cairns Institute of James Cook University in Cairns, Australia
Edited by
Gwendolyn Hyslop, Specialist in the East Bodish languages of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh,Stephen Morey, Associate Director of the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology at La Trobe University,Mark W. Post, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Anthropological Linguistics at The Cairns Institute of James Cook University in Cairns, Australia
By
Lucky Dey, Department of English and Foreign Languages, Tezpur University,
Madhumita Barbora, Department of English and Foreign Languages, Tezpur University
Edited by
Gwendolyn Hyslop, Specialist in the East Bodish languages of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh,Stephen Morey, Associate Director of the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology at La Trobe University,Mark W. Post, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Anthropological Linguistics at The Cairns Institute of James Cook University in Cairns, Australia
Copular constructions generally refer to clause structures where the subject is linked with nonverbal predicates like nominal, adjectival and locative. The purpose of such construction is to express notions like equation, attribution, location, existence and possession (Dryer 1985, Payne 1997). Traditional grammar defines the element that links the subject and the predicate in copular constructions as copula. Following Payne (1997: 111–121), the function of copula can be mainly divided into three: equative, attributive and locative.
Copula can be defined as a term used in grammatical description to refer to a linking verb ….whose main function is to relate other elements of the clause structure especially subject and complement. (Crystal 1980:93)
Masica (1991: 337) states: in Indo Aryan languages, “the function of copula is to identify, define and locate” the Subject NP. Copula in Indo Aryan languages can be overt and covert. It occurs in the final position in the clause structure like other lexical verbs. According to Masica (1991), verbs of this type perform two functions that of copular and existential. Normally copulas can be deleted whereas existential verbs cannot be deleted. Masica (1991: 337-338) further observes that existential verb can be covert in Assamese and Bangla.
Sadri, which is claimed to be an Indo Aryan language (Grierson 1903), also has different copular elements with similar functions, that of equative, attributive and locative. The copula in the present tense can be either obvert or covert. The construction where the copular element remains covert is considered as no copular construction.
Edited by
Gwendolyn Hyslop, Specialist in the East Bodish languages of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh,Stephen Morey, Associate Director of the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology at La Trobe University,Mark W. Post, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Anthropological Linguistics at The Cairns Institute of James Cook University in Cairns, Australia
Usoi is a southern variety of Tripura/Kokborok, a member of the Boro-Garo branch of the Tibeto-Burman language family. It is spoken in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (henceforth CHT), Bangladesh, and in the neighboring Indian states of Tripura and Mizoram as well as in the Rakhine state of Burma. The population of Usoi speaking people in CHT is estimated to be ca. 20,000 (Kim et al. 2007: 9). In India, Usoi is a scheduled tribe and the corresponding population is 1,295 (1981 Census). The population figure is not available for Burma.
Usoi is divided into two major dialects that correspond to two major rivers in CHT: Karnaphuli and Sangu. Although there do exist differences between these two dialects, they are not so divergent that they are mutually unintelligible. My consultant of the present study is originally from Roanchari region in the Karnaphuli basin and now lives in Bandarban, the district headquarters in the Sangu basin. Usoi is highly influenced by Marma, a dialect of Arakanese/Burmese and a lingua franca in the Bandarban district of CHT. As a result, there are many Marma loanwords in Usoi.
Usoi is most similar to Reang/Riang, another southern variety of Tripura/Kokborok; however, there is virtually no linguistic data on Reang/Riang except for Riyang (2007), and the exact linguistic relationship between Usoi and Reang/Riang is unclear. While there are several linguistic descriptions of Kokborok (Karapurkar 1972; Pai 1976; Jacquesson 2003; Jacquesson 2008, etc.) including reliable dictionaries (Debbarma 2001; Debbarma 2002), there are hardly any linguistic reports on Usoi, except for Walsh (n.d.; the 1960s), Kim et al. (2007) and Huziwara (2008).
This collection of essays focuses on the history, literary culture and legacy of the Paramāra dynasty. Ruling from central India, with collateral branches of the family at Candrāvatī, Vāgaḍa, Bhinmāl and Jālor, the Paramāras constituted an important force in the Indian medieval world. They flourished between the tenth and twelfth centuries and throughout their history entertained high political ambitions. In particular Vākpati Muñja (circa 973–95) and Bhoja (circa 1000–55) undertook military campaigns that sought to establish the Paramāras as a paramount power in India. Although frustrated in these aims, they are remembered nonetheless as a great dynasty, representative if not paradigmatic of the vibrant civilisation of the late medieval age.
This copperplate charter of Raṇasiṃha came to my attention in the spring of 2008 when I was asked to study and translate the inscription. The plates are presently in a private collection and the direct study of the inscription has not been possible. Nonetheless, good quality digital photographs of the plates were made available to me and these form the basis of the present article.
In the twenty-first century, Kerala now has a very prominent and progressive Muslim community which has moved forward in leaps and bounds. It has shown tremendous progress in the spheres of education, women empowerment, religion, politics, literature and other spheres of development.
Educational Progress
For the educational benefits of the Mappilla society, the Muslim Educational Society (MES) was founded in 1967 by an eminent neurologist from Kodungallur, Dr. Abdul Ghafoor. He studied Medicine in England and was a dedicated teacher at Kozhikode Medical College. In 1974, he renounced his profession for the cause of the social upliftment of the Mappilla community. His son, Dr. P.A. Fazal Ghafoor, also a neurologist, is the present State President of MES.
MES schools were opened all over Malabar, Cochin and Travancore. Colleges have also been founded. The present strength of MES institutions amount to more than one hundred and fifty. The funds for the institutions are derived from the donations made by the different members of the MES Trust and Board of Management. Yusuf Ali, an international industrialist, is a major trustee of the MES group of institutions. The medium of instruction in all the MES institutions is English and their schools are affiliated to the Central Board of Secondary Education.
Arabic is offered as an optional language and Islamic Studies is offered as one of the compulsory subjects for Muslim students. The Hindu students are given the choice of moral science in lieu of Islamic Studies.
Edited by
Gwendolyn Hyslop, Specialist in the East Bodish languages of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh,Stephen Morey, Associate Director of the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology at La Trobe University,Mark W. Post, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Anthropological Linguistics at The Cairns Institute of James Cook University in Cairns, Australia
Edited by
Gwendolyn Hyslop, Specialist in the East Bodish languages of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh,Stephen Morey, Associate Director of the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology at La Trobe University,Mark W. Post, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Anthropological Linguistics at The Cairns Institute of James Cook University in Cairns, Australia
The sixth to twelfth centuries of the common era were marked by intense religious activity in all parts of India. In the Paramāra kingdom – the main focus of the articles in this special issue – the dominant religious forces were Jainism and the Śaiva traditions of Hinduism. While Buddhism was certainly present in central India, archaeological remains, inscriptions and post-medieval narratives suggest its role was much diminished compared to the early historic period. In substantial contrast, Buddhism remained a vibrant force in eastern India. Bodhgayā, as the site of the Buddha's enlightenment, had emerged as a sacred place by the time of Aśoka in the third century BCE and it evolved subsequently into one of the key centres of the Buddhist world. This importance is attested by existing remains at the site, including the Mahābodhi temple, monastic ruins and innumerable sculptures from medieval times.
On the edge of the old city of Vidiśā are the ruins of a large temple known as the Bijamaṇḍal. Only the plinth of the temple survives (Fig. 1). On top of the plinth, on the western side, is a small mosque which was constructed in the fifteenth century to judge from the design of the miḥrāb. The pillars used in the prayer-hall are of various sizes and dates and have not been studied comprehensively. One pillar is notable as it carries an inscription of Naravarman, the Paramāra king who ruled from circace 1094 to 1134. A study of the inscription and the pillar on which it is carved provides a point of departure for considering several important questions about the dedication and history of the Bijamaṇḍal. The inscription also draws our attention to the tutelary goddesses of the Paramāra kings, a subject unstudied hitherto.
Edited by
Gwendolyn Hyslop, Specialist in the East Bodish languages of Bhutan and Arunachal Pradesh,Stephen Morey, Associate Director of the Research Centre for Linguistic Typology at La Trobe University,Mark W. Post, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Anthropological Linguistics at The Cairns Institute of James Cook University in Cairns, Australia