To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Abstract. This paper examines some of the problems of the archaeological evidence from sites for which astronomical interpretations have been proposed; these include problems of interpretation caused by the use of many prehistoric sites over a long period of time, and difficulties raised by the absence of a firm chronological frame-work. The absence of detailed gazetteers for many of the types of site under discussion is also stressed. A number of excavations are used to contrast the material available to the prehistorian and to the astronomer.
Introduction
The astronomical interpretation of stone circles and standing stones has a long history; in the late seventeenth century, for example, Martin Martin, writing about the Ring of Brodgar and the Stones of Stenness in Orkney, records that ‘Several of the Inhabitants have a Tradition that the Sun was worshipped in the larger, and the Moon in the lesser Circle’ (1716, 365). In recent years a scientific basis for interpretation of the archaeological evidence in astronomical terms has been proposed by Alexander Thom (Thom, A. 1967; 1971; Thom & Thom 1978). In 1965 he began his introduction to megalithic astronomy: ‘Much has been written for and against the astronomical significance of the stone circles, stone alignments, etc., which are scattered throughout these islands and indeed much further afield. There is, however, universal agreement that the erectors, herein called for convenience Megalithic man, marked the rising and setting points of the solsticial Sun’ (Thom, A. 1965, 1).
Abstract The Barbrook stone circles and their outliers have been the subject of a total of 16 claimed astronomical alignments (Thom 1967, Barnatt 1978). We have re-surveyed the sites in order to test these claims. In choosing alignments we have adhered to rigidly defined selection criteria, and we have applied the test of Freeman and Elmore, together with pseudo-random simulations, in order to test the significance of our results. We conclude that there is no evidence of any deliberate accurate astronomical alignments, although there is marginal evidence for rough astronomical alignments which may have been constructed for ritual purposes.
Introduction
The valley of Barbrook on Big Moor in Derbyshire was the site. of a major prehistoric settlement (Radley 1966, Burl 1976). The moor contains the remains of a number of stone circles, earthen enclosures, standing stones and cairns, some of which have been shown by Lewis (1966) to have existed in Neolithic and Early Bronze age times. One of the stone circles, Barbrook 1, has been claimed by Thom (1967) and by Barnatt (1978) to have been used by prehistoric man for astronomical purposes. In addition, Thom (1967) has suggested that Barbrook 1 and another nearby stone circle Barbrook 3 (also known as Owler Bar) were constructed according to an accurate geometrical method (Thom type B circles).
In order to make an objective assessment of the astronomical and geometrical claims two projects were carried out:
(i) We have accurately surveyed possible sightlines following the criteria suggested by Cooke et al. (1977) and have assessed their significance.
Abstract. This article discusses the techniques of A. Thom in deriving geometric designs to fit stone circles and from this background argues for an alternative definition of an hypothesis in scientific research. The definition that is advocated herein is a union of Solomonoff's application of Information Theory to inductive inference, Wallace's Information measures and Halstead's software science measures. This approach is applied to the comparison of Thom's hypothesis against the authors' hypothesis that stone circles are meant to be roughly circular and locally smooth to the eye. The authors' hypothesis is modelled by a fourier series wrapped around a circle. The results from 65 Irish sites show that the authors' hypothesis is favoured at odds of better than 780:1 compared to Thom's hypothesis.
INTRODUCTION
The stone circles of Britain have undergone detailed study and statistical analysis over the past decade. The progenitor of this work, Professor A. Thom, claims that these monuments are set out to accurate geometric designs with the use of a standard unit of length, the ‘megalithic yard’ (MY) equal to .829m or 2.72 ft (Thom 1967). This claim has been investigated in two recent statistical analyses which both concluded that only the stone circles from Scotland lent some support to Thom's theories (Kendall 1974; Freeman 1976). Both these studies as well as Thom's used about 200 circles whose diameters were estimated by Thom.
Abstract. The building history of Stonehenge is outlined, and the principal astronomical hypotheses relating to each period of construction are critically examined. The conclusion is drawn that only the alignment of the Avenue on the summer solstice sunrise, established in period II at the end of the third millennium BC, can be accepted with confidence. All other interpretations are open to doubt or to alternative explanations. A note is appended on the possible equinoctial alignment of the West Kennet Long Barrow, dated to the mid-fourth millennium BC.
Stonehenge has a history of construction and use extending over more than two thousand years, from about 3100 BC to about 1000 BC or later, on the evidence of radiocarbon dates. As an aid to the understanding of the sequence of building, and of the possible astronomical alignments incorporated in each phase of construction, the principal components of each period are summarised below, with the relevant dates corrected according to R.M.Clark (1975), and are illustrated in figs. 1 and 2. A more detailed description can be found in Stonehenge (Atkinson 1979).
The earliest structures at Stonehenge are three pits found during the extension of the car park. Their excavators (Vatcher & Vatcher 1973) believed them to be postholes for massive tree-trunks, although their form and cross-section differ from those of other excavated postholes at Stonehenge. The late C.A. (‘Peter’) Newham suggested that they could have served as astronomical foresights (Newham 1972); but this must be discounted because pine charcoal from two of them has yielded radiocarbon dates of 7180 be ± 180 and 6140 be ± 140 (L.Vatcher, personal communication).
An international conference on ‘archaeo-astronomy’ is an interesting experience for a historian of astronomy of the traditional school. Even if he is somewhat acquainted with the literature on the subject, and perhaps to some extent has also used it for teaching purposes, he must feel very much an outsider. He is familiar only with certain types of sources in the form of documents or instruments and not used to the strange array of material presented here in evidence of a startling hypothesis, of a prehistoric prelude to an historical account which until now has begun with the earliest written records. The immediate effect is a feeling of perplexity or confusion which only gradually gives way to a set of more structured impressions. Certain parts of the material seem to indicate possible fields in which the possibility of fruitful research cannot be dismissed without further investigation. A number of more or less obvious pitfalls reveal themselves as almost inevitable consequences of the very nature of the material evidence. Furthermore, the dangers connected with any kind of interdisciplinary study become clearly apparent. And last, but not least, one becomes increasingly aware of a series of methodological questions which must be answered if the whole subject is to be salvaged from the rocks, lurking under the surface in the form of arbitrary assumptions, vicious circles, and unjustified inferences.
Abstract. We have made six visits to the Kintraw site which has been claimed by Professor Alexander Thom as a prehistoric astronomical observatory used for the detection of the midwinter solstice. This claim has been disputed on several grounds, notably that the foresight is not visible from the backsight on the ledge overlooking the menhir. From the results of our observations at the backsight we contend that this particular dispute is easily resolved. Other work done by us on the ledge indicates that it could not have been used as an observation platform to determine the exact day of the midwinter solstice.
Of the many megalithic sites claimed by Professor Thom as remains of prehistoric observatories none has proved more contentious than the proposed midwinter solstitial site at Kintraw (A. Thom 1971, pp.37–40). This consists of cairns and a menhir which Thom claims indicates a horizon foresight, the col between Beinn Shiantaidh and Beinn a' Chaolais on the island of Jura, 45 km away. Since the view of this col from the area around the menhir is partially blocked by the intervening ridge of Dun Arnal, Thom suggests that preliminary observations were made from a ledge on a hillside to the north east of the site, and overlooking it. It is the question of the validity of this claim which has produced such a vigorous debate (MacKie 1976, 1981. Patrick 1981).
Abstract. A brief summary is given of the need for a statistical approach to assessing most archaeoastronomical data and theories. The various ways in which selection biasses can lead to misleading conclusions, or at least seriously diminish the value of observed data, are described and a few possible techniques for making allowances for them are suggested. A set of three idealistic rules is stated in the hope of improving future observational work. Finally a brief analysis is made of a particular set of data that satisfies nearly all the requirements for lack of bias.
The subject of statistics has, on the whole, a pretty bad public image. Even among scientists it is usually regarded as a necessary evil, a hoop through which one's data must jump before getting accepted for publication. Archaeoastronomers don't even seem to have got this far, since most papers and talks at conferences seem oblivious of the need for taking any kind of statistical view of the data presented. I very much hope that two recent excellent works (Heggie 1981 a, b) will rapidly change this attitude and I strongly recommend all readers of this article to consult both these references. They make nearly all the points that I should have wished to make, so I need not repeat them here.
We do not need statistics to help assess the evidence for midsummer sunrise at Stonehenge or midwinter sunrise at Newgrange.
Abstract. After a discussion of the need for statistical methods in megalithic astronomy, the interpretation of statistical results is considered, and a simple method of performing a suitable statistical test is outlined. Statistical evidence is considered next, with particular regard to the extent and limitations of the role of selection effects in the work of the Thoms. Their most recent analysis of lunar lines is discussed. Some arguments of a practical nature then follow, and the paper ends with some briefer comments on the astronomical interpretation of megalithic art, dating, and the purpose and implications of megalithic astronomy.
INTRODUCTION
The present paper is a rewritten version of a review article (Heggie 1981b) which was designed as an introduction to problems of megalithic astronomy for participants at the conference in Oxford. However the resemblance is largely confined to the title and the structure. Its general purpose here is to provide a background for many of the other papers in the present volume, but the opportunity is also taken to argue the case for the use of a particular methodology in the examination of much of the evidence on megalithic astronomy, and to consider how it may be applied to one or two important bodies of data. Another purpose of this paper is to draw the attention of readers to a number of recent results which have a bearing on the subject and are perhaps not mentioned elsewhere in this volume.
In 1859 Charles Darwin in chapter nine of the Origin of Species showed how he had calculated that the age of the Weald was three hundred million years and that consequently the age of the earth was considerably greater than that. Darwin of course needed such a long period of time for the process of evolution by natural selection to occur. Arguments which showed that the earth could not be that old would therefore cast serious doubt on his theory. Such views were advanced in 1862 by William Thomson, later Lord Kelvin, professor of Natural Philosophy at Glasgow. He specifically challenged the result of Darwin's calculation of the age of the Weald by arguing that the sun could not have emitted its heat and light for that length of time. The consequences of this assertion for the biological and geological sciences for the remainder of the nineteenth century have already been delineated by Burchfield. What I wish to do in this paper is to show that the theoretical basis of Thomson's 1862 assertion had not been specifically developed as a response to Darwin, but that it was a consequence of the formulation of the first two laws of thermodynamics. I shall also show that Thomson's work was not done in isolation but that the question of the maintenance of solar energy was a serious concern of a number of physicists who had formulated the laws of thermodynamics.
During the course of the eighteenth century important changes occurred in the conception of matter held by British natural philosophers. Historians of science have described these changes in different ways, but certain common features can be abstracted from the more recent accounts. First, there was a movement away from Newtonian matter theory, which saw all matter as the various organizations of homogeneous particles and the forces of attraction and repulsion acting between them. In place of this theory increasing favour was shown towards a more empirical or ‘chemical’ approach to matter which assumed the existence of several essentially distinct types of matter each endowed with different specific qualities or properties. Second, there was an increasing tendency to accept activity as a property of matter itself rather than to ascribe it to immaterial forces.