Royal symbols vary from one monarchical culture to another. In Europe, particularly in England, Netherlands and pre-1789 France, royalty was marked by the sovereign's exclusive use of the crown and the sceptre. In Africa, the continent with perhaps the most ancient monarchical traditions, the variation of symbols is especially remarkable. The pharaohs of Egypt, whose model is held by some scholars to have inspired kingly institutions elsewhere in Africa, Europe and Asia, were distinguished by their metal crowns and special sandals. In Ashanti the hene, while he might wear a distinguishing cap, looked more to his ‘stool’, often adorned with beads or (as in the case of the Ashantehene himself) gold, as the most important royal emblem, the seat on which had sat all his predecessors in office. In ancient Dahomey, on the other hand, the king wore no special head dress; and although the throne was an important royal emblem, there was nothing to compare with the rigidly impersonal and ritualistic concept of the throne as found in Ashanti, since every reign usually had its own particular throne dedicated to it. In Fon monarchy, where royal authority was more ideologically conceived, as seen in the perforated pot symbolism, the royal personage was, remarkably, of very ordinary appearance, apart from his large retinue, his aristocratically longish pipe, and a hand-axe across his shoulder.

On n'est pas toujours certain, en anthropologie, lorsqu'on étudie un secteur de la vie ou de l'activité sociale, d'avoir défini pour autant un objet de recherche. Le phénomène isolé, privilégié, peut n'être qu'un aspect fluctuant ou même éphémère d'une réalité plus vaste. Seule la compréhension de cette réalité permettrait de situer à sa juste place le phénomène privilégié; le trajet inverse est impossible. Cette remarque me paraît rejoindre celles que formule E. Leach dans Rethinking Anthropology lorsqu'il invite ses collègues à ne pas ‘collectionner les papillons’, à ne pas multiplier les typologies—et par exemple (mais ceci est une autre histoire) à ne pas distinguer entre différents types de filiation aux dépens de la seule distinction pertinente, selon lui, qui oppose la filiation a l'alliance.

In 1970 and 1971 I spent fifteen months studying the ritual gatherings of a syncretistic healing movement popular among the coastal Fante of Ghana. The group is known as the ‘Nakabah people’ (the name of one of the founders) or more generally as The Twelve Apostles Church. On Fridays the Twelve Apostles gather for a healing ritual known to them as edwuma, the work, or sunsum edwuma, the working with spirits. On Sundays a prayer service called kyεpor, a pidgin term for ‘chapel’, is conducted. Both the edwuma and the kyεpor are performed in small communal healing centres of the movement designated as ‘gardens’. Most of these gardens are located in coastal fishing towns or inland agricultural villages up and down the coastline of Ghana's central region.

The purpose of this paper is to examine in detail a mode of economic integration, redistribution, and its relationship to political power. The redistributive institution studied here involves assumption of the title halak'a by a male citizen. ‘We catch the halak'a!' say the Dorze (halak'a aikos), implying by their choice of verb that candidates show some reluctance to disburse their economic resources upon feasts and fees. During the ceremonies which create a titled incumbent from an initiate, large amounts of goods, services, and money are collected by the halak'a and used in lavish feasting. Pooling of resources and their subsequent reallocation mark as redistributive this prominent institution of Dorze public life.

Towns and cities throughout modern Africa have witnessed the emergence of prestige and status groups, principally as consequence of newly developing wage earning opportunities for educated Africans. Like African townsmen almost everywhere, urban Ethiopians now engage in, or aspire to occupations as skilled specialists which carry altogether new social prestige. Old values associated with traditional labour undertakings have undergone adjustment and modification. Because changing patterns of urban social relationships develop in large measure from the diverse ways Ethiopians, or other Africans, make a living, studies of the ranking of occupations by their social prestige value have been suggested as a useful approach to understanding the nature of the urban system of social stratification, on the one hand, and to providing a baseline for determining indices of social change, on the other.

This paper is an examination of the dynamics of the kanyalangkafo, a cross-cultural fertility association. It first examines the changing economic and social environment of the Mandinka to clarify the factors relevant to the spread and acceptance of the fertility association.

The second part of the paper describes the history and organization of the association.

In the last part of the paper, the activities of the association and the ritually inverted sexual behaviour of its members are analyzed. Social integration is shown to be brought about in the presence of and partly because of the association and its activities. The integrative results include the manner in which the association organizes women and the social environment within which associational behaviour occurs. Models stemming from analyses of ritually inverted sexual behaviour are found to be generally supported by data from the Mandinka case.

In a recent paper Beidelman (1974: 235—249) has argued cogently for a more systematic study of missions on the part of students of colonial societies and has indicated, in a preliminary fashion, several analytical themes which might provide a general theoretical framework for such a study. The present paper is not offered as a comment on Beidelman's overall scheme but has a somewhat narrower focus, addressing itself to two aspects of missionary study mentioned by that author: the contradictions in missionizing and the nature of colonial society. Given the preliminary nature and schematic intent of Beidelman's paper it is understandable that the connections between these aspects are not made explicit. One of our tasks, therefore, will be to show how the contradictions revealed in the practice of missionizing relate to the kind of society in which missions typically operate. Like Beidelman, we illustrate our argument with references to the work of an African mission, in this case the Wesleyan Methodist mission in southern Ghana (formerly the Gold Coast).