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2. Work on the Temple complex was finished only in the 60s CE, some eighty years after Herod started the project; see Richardson, Peter, Building Jewish in the Roman East (Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2004), 271–98Google Scholar; Netzer, Ehud, The Architecture of Herod, The Great Builder, Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 117 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006), 270–76Google Scholar; Peleg-Barkat, Orit, “Fit for a King: Architectural Decor in Judaea and Herod as Trendsetter,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 371 (2014): 151CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3. The classic study on Jewish pilgrimage in this period is Safrai, Shemuel, Pilgrimage at the Time of the Second Temple [in Hebrew] (Tel Aviv: ʿAm Ha-sefer, 1965)Google Scholar; see also Kerkeslager, Allen, “Jewish Pilgrimage and Jewish Identity in Hellenistic and Early Roman Egypt,” in Pilgrimage and Holy Space in Late Antique Egypt, ed. Frankfurter, David, Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 134 (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 104–9Google Scholar; Gitlitz, David M. and Davidson, Linda Kay, Pilgrimage and the Jews (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2006), 27–34Google Scholar; Lightstone, Jack N., “Roman Diaspora Judaism,” in A Companion to Roman Religion, ed. Rüpke, Jörg, Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007), 366–67Google Scholar; Lightstone, , “Migration and the Emergence of Greco-Roman Diaspora Judaism,” in Travel and Religion in Antiquity, ed. Harland, Philip A., Studies in Christianity and Judaism 21 (Waterloo, ON: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2011), 190–98Google Scholar; Lapin, Hayim, “Temple, Cult, and Consumption in Second Temple Jerusalem,” in Expressions of Cult in the Southern Levant in the Greco-Roman Period: Manifestations in Text and Material Culture, ed. Tal, Oren and Weiss, Zeev, Contextualizing the Sacred 6 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2017), 245–46Google Scholar; and Hezser, Catherine, Jewish Travel in Antiquity, Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 144 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011), 365–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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5. Potter, David, “Hellenistic Religion,” in A Companion to the Hellenistic World, ed. Erskine, Andrew, Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003), 424–25Google Scholar; Dillon, Matt, Pilgrims and Pilgrimage in Ancient Greece (London: Taylor and Francis, 2013), 60–98CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Elsner, Jaś and Rutherford, Ian, eds., Pilgrimage in Graeco-Roman & Early Christian Antiquity: Seeing the Gods (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Petsalis-Diomidis, Alexia, Truly beyond Wonders: Aelius Aristides and the Cult of Asklepios (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

6. On tourism and travel in the ancient world, see Rabotić, Branislav, “Special-Purpose Travel in Ancient Times: ‘Tourism’ before Tourism?,” in Proceedings Book of the 2nd Belgrade International Tourism Conference (BITCO 2014): Thematic Tourism in a Global Environment: Advantages, Challenges and Future Developments, ed. Skakun, Milan (Belgrade: College of Tourism, 2014), 99–114Google Scholar; Casson, Lionel, Travel in the Ancient World (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1974)Google Scholar. On the Augustan “grand tour,” see below.

7. Stausberg, Michael, Religion and Tourism: Crossroads, Destinations, and Encounters (London: Routledge, 2011), 19–30Google Scholar; Norman, Alex, Spiritual Tourism: Travel and Religious Practice in Western Society, Continuum Advances in Religious Studies (London: Continuum, 2011)Google Scholar; Timothy, Dallen J. and Olsen, Daniel H., eds., Tourism, Religion and Spiritual Journeys, Routledge Contemporary Geographies of Leisure, Tourism and Mobility (New York: Routledge, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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9. Akujärvi, Johanna, “Pausanias’ Periegesis, Dionysius Periegetes, Eustathius’ Commentary, and the Construction of the Periegetic Genre,” in Doron Rodopoikilon: Studies in Honour of Jan Olof Rosenqvist, ed. Searby, Denis Michael, Witakowska, Ewa Balicka, and Heldt, Johan (Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, 2012), 41–52Google Scholar; André, Jean-Marie and Baslez, Marie-Françoise, Voyager dans l'antiquité (Paris: Fayard, 2008), 64–68Google Scholar; Elsner, Jaś, “Structuring ‘Greece’: Pausanias's Periegesis as a Literary Construct,” in Pausanias: Travel and Memory in Roman Greece, ed. Alcock, Susan E., Cherry, John F., and Elsner, Jaś (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 4–8Google Scholar; Casson, Travel in the Ancient World, 95–11. For an attempt to minimize the scope and distinctiveness of the periegetic genre, see Hutton, William, Describing Greece: Landscape and Literature in the Periegesis of Pausanias, Greek Culture in the Roman World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 247–63Google Scholar.

10. Casson, Travel in the Ancient World, 229–37.

11. On the impracticality of, and the lack of evidence for, the guidebook, see Pretzler, Maria, Pausanias: Travel Writing in Ancient Greece, Classical Literature and Society (London: Duckworth, 2007), 35Google Scholar.

12. See, e.g., Tuell, Steven Shawn, The Law of the Temple in Ezekiel 40–48, Harvard Semitic Monographs 49 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992), 78–102Google Scholar. Tuell is one of many who attributes the Temple Vision to followers of the prophet who lived after his death.

13. Milgrom, Jacob and Block, Daniel I., Ezekiel's Hope: A Commentary on Ezekiel 38–48 (Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2012), 44–53Google Scholar; Magen, Yitzhak, Mount Gerizim Excavations, vol. 2, A Temple City, Judea and Samaria Publications 8 (Jerusalem: Staff Officer for Archaeology—Civil Administration of Judea and Samaria, 2008), 141–51Google Scholar.

14. Honigman, Sylvie, The Septuagint and Homeric Scholarship in Alexandria: A Study in the Narrative of the Letter of Aristeas (London: Routledge, 2003)Google Scholar; Wright, Benjamin G., The Letter of Aristeas: ‘Aristeas to Philocrates’ or ‘On the Translation of the Law of the Jews’, Commentaries on Early Jewish Literature (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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16. Translations taken from Hadas, Moses, Aristeas to Philocrates (Letter of Aristeas), Jewish Apocryphal Literature (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1951)Google Scholar.

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18. The silence reigning in the Temple is also reflected in a suppression of prayer and song in the Priestly Source's legislation on the Temple cult, itself inspiration for Israel Knohl's book on the Holiness School; see The Sanctuary of Silence: The Priestly Torah and the Holiness School (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1995), 148–52Google Scholar.

19. When the Letter was written, however, there is no good evidence that Diaspora Jews were making pilgrimage regularly to that center. See Goodman, “Pilgrimage Economy of Jerusalem,” 71.

20. Martínez, Florentino García, “Temple Scroll,” in Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Schiffman, Lawrence H. and VanderKam, James C. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 927–33Google Scholar.

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25. For possible participation of Egyptian Jews in polytheistic cults, see Kerkeslager, “Jewish Pilgrimage,” 215–22; William Horbury and Noy, David, Jewish Inscriptions of Graeco-Roman Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 246–50 (nos. 154–56)Google Scholar.

26. For Greco-Roman games in general, see Kyle, Donald G., Sport and Spectacle in the Ancient World (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2007)Google Scholar; for games in Roman Palestine, see Weiss, Zeev, Public Spectacles in Roman and Late Antique Palestine, Revealing Antiquity 21 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2014), 117–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Scullard, H. H., Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981), 13–48Google Scholar; the various contributions in Brandt, J. Rasmus and Iddeng, Jon W., eds., Greek and Roman Festivals: Content, Meaning, and Practice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014)Google Scholar; Bergman, Bettina, introduction to The Art of Ancient Spectacle, ed. Bergmann, Bettina and Kondoleon, Christine, Studies in the History of Art 56 (Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art, 1999), 17Google Scholar.

27. Weiss, Public Spectacles, 32–33.

28. In this passage Josephus notes that they were put on every fifth year, which likely refers to a standard quadrennial festival; Weiss, Public Spectacles, 15.

29. Ibid., 49; Goodman, Martin, Rome and Jerusalem: The Clash of Ancient Civilizations (London: Allen Lane, 2007), 311Google Scholar.

30. Reich, Ronny and Billig, Yaʿakov, “A Group of Theatre Seats Discovered near the Southwestern Corner of the Temple Mount,” Israel Exploration Journal 50 (2000): 175–84Google Scholar.

31. Lichtenberger, Achim, “Jesus and the Theater in Jerusalem,” in Jesus and Archaeology, ed. Charlesworth, James H. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2006), 283–89Google Scholar; Patrich, Joseph, “Herod's Theatre in Jerusalem: A New Proposal,” Israel Exploration Journal 52 (2002): 231–39Google Scholar.

32. Kloner, Amos and Whetstone, Sherry, “The Hippodrome/Amphitheater in Jerusalem,” in “Follow the Wise” (B. Sanhedrin 32b): Studies in Jewish History and Culture in Honor of Lee I. Levine, ed. Weiss, Zeev et al. (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2010), 161–74Google Scholar.

33. Weiss tracks the cultural ramifications of these events in Public Spectacles; see also Spielman, Loren R., “Playing Roman in Jerusalem: Jewish Attitudes towards Sport and Spectacle during the Second Temple Period,” in Jews in the Gym: Judaism, Sports, and Athletics, ed. Greenspoon, Leonard J. (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2014), 1–24Google Scholar. A text from Qumran (4Q390) seems to lament the fact that certain Jews have abandoned the traditional festivals of God in Jerusalem. Its message was anticipated by a similar condemnation, in Jubilees 6:35, of Jews who “forget the feasts of the covenant and walk in the feasts of the gentiles”; see Dimant, Devorah, “New Light from Qumran on the Jewish Pseudepigrapha—4Q390,” in The Madrid Qumran Congress: Proceedings of the International Congress on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Madrid 18–21, 1991, ed. Barrera, Julio Trebolle and Montaner, Luis Vegas (Leiden: Brill, 1992)Google Scholar.

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35. Goodman, “Pilgrimage Economy of Jerusalem,” 73.

36. See in particular Richardson, Peter, Herod: King of the Jews and Friend of the Romans (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1999)Google Scholar.

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41. Levine, Lee I., “Josephus’ Description of the Jerusalem Temple: War, Antiquities, and Other Sources,” in Josephus and the History of the Greco-Roman Period: Essays in Memory of Morton Smith, ed. Parente, Fausto and Sievers, J. (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 239Google Scholar.

42. Cotton, Hannah M. et al. , eds., Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae/Palaestinae, vol. 1, Jerusalem, Part 1: 1–704 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2010), 42–45Google Scholar.

43. The Mishnah, which is generally considered to be less reliable than Josephus on issues of Temple design, has stairs or a different type of floor paving dividing the two (M. Middot 2:6); see Levine, Lee I., Jerusalem: Portrait of the City in the Second Temple Period (538 B.C.E.–70 C.E.) (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 2002), 241Google Scholar.

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46. Kohn, Thomas D., “The Tragedies of Ezekiel,” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 43 (2003): 5–12Google Scholar.

47. This assumes that Eusebius was not relying on Alexander Polyhistor (who died in the middle of the first century BCE) for the fragments he brings; see Van de Water, Rick, “Moses’ Exaltation: Pre-Christian?,” Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 21 (2000): 60–61Google Scholar.

48. See Lanfranchi, L'Exagoge d'Ezéchiel, 57–63, for a discussion and references.

49. See Whitmarsh, Tim, Beyond the Second Sophistic: Adventures in Greek Postclassicism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013), 211–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who explores the ramifications of just this.

50. Goodman, Rome and Jerusalem, 312.

51. Greek was employed for prominent signage within the Temple complex, for example, and for dedicatory inscriptions on at least one of Jerusalem's synagogues of the day (i.e., the Theodotos inscription); see Cotton et al., CII/P I:1, 42–45, 53–56.

52. There are elements of the Song of Songs, for example, suggesting that it was once performed or dramatized in some way, perhaps in a symposium setting; see Bloch, Ariel and Bloch, Chana, The Song of Songs: The World's First Great Love Poem (New York: Modern Library, 2006), 20–21Google Scholar. Eli Kozin has argued that the book of Job was composed initially as a dramatic work inspired by the Greek theatrical arts; see Jewish Drama & Theatre: From Rabbinical Intolerance to Secular Liberalism (Chicago, IL: Sussex Academic Press, 2013), 39–54Google Scholar. Choral troupes drawn from the Levites appear to have been a fixture too (see below).

53. Berlin, Andrea M., “Herod the Tastemaker,” Near Eastern Archaeology 77, no. 2 (2014): 108–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Meyers, Eric M. and Chancey, Mark A., Alexander to Constantine: Archaeology of the Land of the Bible, vol. 3, The Anchor Yale Bible Reference Library (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2012), 134–35Google Scholar; Magness, Jodi, The Archaeology of the Holy Land: From the Destruction of Solomon's Temple to the Muslim Conquest (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 143–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Herod's impact on the local diet among Judean elite, see Avner Ecker, “Dining with Herod,” in Rozenberg and Mevorah, Herod the Great, 66–79.

54. See introduction above.

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56. Weitzman, Steven, “From Feasts into Mourning: The Violence of Early Jewish Festivals,” The Journal of Religion 79, no. 4 (1999): 545–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

57. For more on who acted as guides within the Jerusalem Temple, see below. The passage from De dea syria reads: “In the Holy City a host whom he [the pilgrim] does not know receives him: there are appointed hosts there for each city, and this office is handed down in their families. They are called ‘teachers’ by the Assyrians, because they instruct them in everything”; see Lightfoot, J. L., Lucian: On the Syrian Goddess: Edited with Introduction, Translation, and Commentary (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 522Google Scholar; Elsner, Jaś, “Describing Self in the Language of Other: Pseudo (?) Lucian at the Temple of Hierapolis,” in Being Greek under Rome: Cultural Identity, the Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire, ed. Goldhill, Simon (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 142Google Scholar.

58. Sanders, Judaism, 63 BCE–66 CE, 81–83.

59. See Josephus, Against Apion 1.32–33, for evidence of Jewish priests settling in the Diaspora.

60. A baraita in the Babylonian Talmud (Yoma 12a) notes that pilgrims to Jerusalem would leave their hosts hides of consecrated animals in exchange for lodgings, as the charging of a fee was not permissible.

61. The Theodotos synagogue inscription notes that Theodotos, son of Vettenus, built the synagogue, among other things, as a “guest house with its rooms and water installations as lodging for the needy from the Diaspora”; see Cotton et al., CII/P I:1, 53–56; Gitlitz and Davidson, Pilgrimage and the Jews, 28–29.

62. See, e.g., Safrai, Pilgrimage, 200–203; Gitlitz and Davidson, Pilgrimage and the Jews, 31–32.

63. Sanders, Judaism, 63 BCE–66 CE, 179–81.

64. The bells on the tunic signaled to those outside that the high priest was at work in the Temple (Ben Sira 45:9). The high priest appears to have worn the more ornate vestments on Yom Kippur alone; see Schwartz, Daniel R., Reading the First Century: On Reading Josephus and Studying Jewish History of the First Century, Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 300 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013), 35–36CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Weissenrieder, Annette, “A Roadmap to Heaven: High-Priestly Vestments and the Jerusalem Temple in Flavius Josephus,” in Beyond Priesthood: Religious Entrepreneurs and Innovators in the Roman Empire, ed. Gordon, Richard L., Petridou, Georgia and Rüpke, Jörg, Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorbarbeiten 66 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2017), 157–83Google Scholar.

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66. Peleg-Barkat, Temple Mount Excavations V, 79, no. 1499.

67. Lee Levine explains discrepancies in Josephus as reflecting the fact that the War version is how Josephus saw the Temple, while the Ant. version was meant to describe the Temple after it was built in 20 BCE; “Josephus’ Description,” 233–46. For Josephus's description of the monumental royal portico south of the sanctuary and the archaeological remains of the portico, see Peleg-Barkat, Temple Mount Excavations V, 91–120.

68. Huitink, L. and van Henten, J. W., “Josephus,” in Space in Ancient Greek Literature: Studies in Ancient Greek Literature, ed. de Jong, Irene J. F., Mnemosyne Supplements 339 (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 119–217Google Scholar; see also Per Bilde, “The Geographical Excursuses in Josephus,” in Parente and Sievers, Josephus and the History of the Greco-Roman Period, 246–62; and Chapman, Honora Howell, “Spectacle in Josephus’ Jewish War,” in Flavius Josephus and Flavian Rome, ed. Edmondson, Jonathan, Mason, Steve, and Rives, James (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 289–313CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69. Sanders, Judaism, 63 BCE–66 CE, 60, 67 nn. 37–38.

70. A similar sense of awe upon leaving the complex is portrayed in Mark 13:1, which puts words of wonder into the mouth of a disciple of Jesus as he leaves the Temple area. Looking back at the marvelous structure, he exclaims, “Look, teacher, what wonderful stones and what wonderful buildings!”; cf. Luke 21:5–6.

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72. G. W. Bowersock, “Foreign Elites at Rome,” in Edmondson, Mason, and Rives, Flavius Josephus and Flavian Rome, 53–62; Mason, Steve, “Of Audience and Meaning: Reading Josephus’ Bellum Judaicum in the Context of a Flavian Audience,” in Josephus and Jewish History in Flavian Rome and Beyond, ed. Sievers, Joseph and Lembi, Gaia, Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism 104 (Leiden: Brill, 2005), 71–100Google Scholar. Yet, somewhat in tension with these reconstructions of Josephus's milieu and audience, Cotton and Eck have argued that Josephus remained largely in isolation in Rome, having enjoyed no real links to the senatorial and equestrian elite; see Hannah M. Cotton and Werner Eck, “Josephus’ Roman Audience: Josephus and the Roman Elites,” in Edmondson, Mason, and Rives, Flavius Josephus and Flavian Rome, 37–52.

73. David Noy, “Rabbi Aqiba Comes to Rome: A Jewish Pilgrimage in Reverse?,” in Elsner and Rutherford, Pilgrimage in Graeco-Roman & Early Christian Antiquity, 373–85; Fergus Millar, “Last Year in Jerusalem: Monuments of the Jewish War in Rome,” in Edmondson, Mason, and Rives, Flavius Josephus and Flavian Rome, 101–28.

74. A baraita in the Babylonian Talmud (Berakhot 54a) appears to list a set of stops on a sightseeing route by pilgrims through the region; Bar-Ilan, Meir, “Fabulous Places in the Land of Israel in Antiquity” [in Hebrew], Judea and Samaria Research Studies 5 (1996): 229–39Google Scholar. The baraita reads: “He who beholds the fords of the [Red] Sea, or the fords of the Jordan, or the fords of the valleys of Arnon, or the hail-stones in the descent of Bet Horon, or the stone which Og, king of Bashan, sought to cast upon Israel, or the stone upon which Moses sat when Joshua fought against Amalek, or [the pillar of salt of] Lot's wife, or the wall of Jericho which was swallowed up in its place—over all these one must give thanks and praise before the All-present.” As for the tombs of the prophets, the undated work Lives of the Prophets includes among its biographies of the prophets of Israel specific directions on how to find burial spots of some of them, suggesting that these tombs were Jewish pilgrimage destinations; see Satran, David, Biblical Prophets in Byzantine Palestine: Reassessing the Lives of the Prophets, Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha 11 (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 105–10Google Scholar; Gitlitz and Davidson, Pilgrimage and the Jews, 41–42.

75. See Cohn, Naftali S., The Memory of the Temple and the Making of the Rabbis, Divinations: Rereading Late Ancient Religion (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

76. The language is based on an interpretation of a biblical idiom in Exodus 23:17; see Neis, Rachel, The Sense of Sight in Rabbinic Culture: Jewish Ways of Seeing in Late Antiquity, Greek Culture in the Roman World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 45–81CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Safrai, Pilgrimage, 146.

77. Casson, Travel in the Ancient World, 300–329.

78. Wilkinson, John, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1977), 3–4, 117–21Google Scholar. And see there for other pilgrim accounts and sources.

79. Cohen, “Art, Myth, and Travel,” 115–17.

80. Such is a central argument in Fuller, Robert C., Wonder: From Emotion to Spirituality (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), esp. 137–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with its discussion of aesthetic spirituality. On the culturally conditioned nature of seeing and visuality, see Neis, Sense of Sight, 1–10. On topophilia and placemaking, see Tuan, Yi-Fu, Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977)Google Scholar.

81. On the importance of emotion in the religious experience, see the various contributions in Corrigan, John, ed., The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Emotion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008)Google Scholar. For Judaism in particular, see Ross, Sarah, “General Introduction: Reflections on Judaism and Emotion,” in Judaism and Emotion: Texts, Performance, Experience, ed. Ross, Sarah, Levy, Gabriel, and Al-Suadi, Soham, Studies in Judaism 7 (New York: Peter Lang, 2013), 1–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Joel Gereboff, “Judaism,” in Corrigan, Oxford Handbook of Religion and Emotion, 95–110; and Reif, Stefan C. and Egger-Wenzel, Renate, eds., Ancient Jewish Prayers and Emotions: Emotions Associated with Jewish Prayer in and around the Second Temple Period, Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Studies 26 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2015)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Gary Anderson's research into joy in the Israelite religious experience underscores its praxis-oriented nature, where ritualized movement, participation in festive meals, and the bringing of offerings become ways to fulfill one's scriptural obligation to “rejoice before the LORD” (e.g., Leviticus 23:40, Deuteronomy 12:7); see A Time to Mourn, a Time to Dance: The Expression of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1991), esp. 19–57, 107–9Google Scholar.

82. For examples of polemicizing against the Temple institution among the Qumran sectarians, see the Damascus Document (CD) V, 15–17; among the Jesus movement, see Mark 11:15–19, Matthew 21:12–17, and John 2:13–16.