This paper argues: (1) that there is no meaningful philosophical and practical distinction between history and prehistory until sometime in the Lower Paleolithic; and (2) because history as we practice it is a human invention (usually attributed to Herodotus), perhaps prehistory should be reserved as a term to describe how humans dealt with the past prior to the fifth century B.C. Philosophical underpinnings for the argument are taken from Collingwood; practical examples are drawn from personal experiences in the archaeology and history of Greater Mesopotamia.

After nearly four decades, Taylor's discussion of the relation between history and anthropology remain remarkably fresh and are used throughout this presentation. History and anthropology have similar concerns for understanding the human experience and process; the primary concern of anthropology, however, is culture. By examining the semantic domain of both fields, their relation is clarified. The primary data base of historiography, ethnography, and archaeology consists of documents, ethnography, and material remains, respectively. Historiography, ethnography, and archaeology are methods, and no more. Theoretical considerations reside at the higher level of ethnology-the comparative study of culture.

Identification of the artifacts and features used in ceramic manufacture has become a crucial aspect of Southwestern archaeology as the organization of pottery production has assumed a pivotal role in current models of Southwestern prehistory. Regrettably, pottery-making and pottery-firing areas seldom are reported, and reliable criteria for inferring their presence at archaeological sites have not been developed. A review of pertinent ethnoarchaeological and experimental literature provides some correlates for identifying artifacts and features that may have been involved in ceramic production. Presently, it appears that only two Southwestern sites, Snaketown on the Gila River and AZ I:1:17(ASM) south of Grand Canyon National Park, have disclosed convincing evidence of on-site pottery-making and pottery-firing areas. Some recommendations are developed for increasing the likelihood of recovering strong evidence of ceramic production at Southwestern sites.

Point Conception, California, has long been recognized as an environmental transition zone for both terrestrial and marine life forms occupying central and southern California. Recent archaeological investigations above and below Point Conception have revealed a number of differences in the archaeological records of the respective regions. Late Period coastal middens north of Point Conception contain higher densities of shellfish remains and smaller quantities of fish and sea mammal remains than coastal midden deposits along the Santa Barbara Channel to the east, where Late Period sites contain substantial quantities of fish and sea mammal remains. These differences in the archaeological records appear to be determined, in large part, by differences in the relative resource abundances in the two regions. However, to understand more completely the variability in subsistence strategies, one must go beyond simply documenting differences in food resource abundance in the environment. It is proposed that the economics of resource exploitation must be considered in the formulation of any adequate explanation of resource variability.

Research conducted since the 1976 publication of Society for American Archaeology Memoir 31, Paleoeskimo Problems (Maxwell 1976a) indicates that variability in the early Arctic Small-Tool tradition (ASTt) is greater than described previously. Three questions dominate the interpretation of early ASTt remains in the central Canadian Arctic: Are the remains affiliated with the Independence I or the Pre-Dorset variants? What are the affects of seasonal mobility on the Paleoeskimo archaeological record? Does the core-area model have any remaining utility? Evidence from six Arctic Island locations indicates that Pre-Dorset and Independence I are not clearly separated temporally and stylistically. Functional analyses that consider the meaning of relevant attributes are required. Sources of variability include seasonality, local physiography and climate, and postabandonment processes. The complexity of the early ASTt record is not explained through pure historical particularism.

This paper explores the applicability of the segmentary construction-labor tax model of marked adobe distribution proposed for the solid adobe Mochica pyramids in the Moche Valley on the Peruvian North Coast for Middle Sican monumental architecture in Batan Grande farther north. The model is found inadequate to account for the Middle Sican brick-marking pattern characterized by, among other things, a very high frequency of marking and lack of a one-to-one correspondence between brick size/shape and mark. The difference seems due in part to the chamber-fill building technique of the Middle Sican pyramids which required large scale, unitary construction. Cluster analysis was carried out to assess the relative merits of various alternative models. The most plausible models are those that posit a relatively complex labor organization and specify the role of local, lower-level administrators.

In many prehistoric economies where plant foods supplied a majority of caloric requirements, shellfish may have served as a protein staple, at least on a seasonal basis. This hypothesis is supported with an archaeological example from coastal California, experimental data on shellfish protein yields in southeast Alaska, and review of two previous studies of the economics of shellfish exploitation (Osborn 1977; Parmalee and Klippel 1974). Evaluating the dietary role of shellfish from a protein perspective may have a profound effect on the reconstruction of settlement and subsistence strategies for coastal, riverine, or lacustrine economies, including both hunter-gatherers and agriculturalists.

The role of the theoretical limit of resolution of optical microscopes is discussed in relation to obsidian rim age-date determinations. The resolution of the optics is shown to contribute an error of ± 20 percent. The error analysis identified the determination of the activation energy as the single step in the dating process that introduces the largest error.

Radiocarbon dates are essential to the understanding of chronological frameworks in many fields, but are particularly important in archaeology. An International Radiocarbon Data Base (IRDB) has been proposed to update and maintain a computerized, centralized, and standardized record of 14C data, on a global and inter-disciplinary scale, from which researchers may retrieve and utilize valuable data. Since 1985, planning conferences and workshops continue to address the issues of establishing the IRDB. The primary focus of these discussions has been the data-entry format and how to obtain continuing financial support.

With a focus on the archaeology of the early historic Choctaw, field investigations in east-central Mississippi resulted in the discovery of 73 sites and the confirmation of two previously known sites. Fifty-nine of the 75 sites had either definite or probable Choctaw components. The assemblages on the historic Choctaw sites typically consisted of a complex of four decorated and four undecorated Native American ceramic types along with Euro-American trade goods that suggest site occupation dates during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The better preserved Choctaw phase sites typically were small artifact clusters, probably the remains of individual households, located on low ridges. In several places these sites were grouped in clusters suggestive of the dispersed communities described in historical accounts of the Choctaw. None of the sites has yielded evidence suggestive of sociopolitical centrality.

This ethnoarchaeological study of an Inupiat Eskimo fish camp examines the formation of activity areas through time-motion studies and the analyses of activity episodes. These observations on two adults using the site during the summer of 1982 are used as examples of how spatially discrete activity areas are shaped by behavioral processes. In this case, activity-area formation is tied to the adaptive strategies of the Inupiat Eskimo cultural system. Specific subsistence-related activities such as food processing, animal butchering, and equipment maintenance leave material residues after tasks are completed. Cognitive and adaptive aspects of the Inupiat cultural system contribute to the spatial organization of this fish camp.

Located on the West Tennessee Coastal Plain, Pinson Mounds is one of the largest Middle Woodland ceremonial centers in eastern North America. The site includes at least 12 mounds, a geometric embankment, and associated temporary habitation areas within an area of approximately 160 ha. Of particular significance is the presence of five large platform mounds ranging in height from 3 to 22 m. A series of two dozen radiocarbon determinations indicate that the Pinson Mounds site was constructed and used between approximately A.D. 1-500.

There is an ongoing debate about the nature of artifact association and the expression of living surfaces in New England and Maritime Provinces shell middens. I focus this debate on a single shell midden where supposedly Early Woodland styles of projectile points are associated with Middle Woodland ceramics. These findings suggest that either a revision of the New England and Maritime Provinces Woodland sequence is necessary, or that we should rethink our models of shell-midden formation processes.