Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-gtxcr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-19T15:49:12.570Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Kenya's Africanization Program: Priorities of Development and Equity*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 August 2014

Donald Rothchild*
Affiliation:
University of California, Davis

Extract

Africa's postindependence leaders are under enormous pressure. They must assume such new functions as the conduct of foreign relations and military defense and must expand developmental activities greatly, all at a time of falling world commodity prices, population explosion, and increasing indifference to foreign aid on the part of the wealthier countries. Local African expectations are rising, even though such requisites for satisfying these aspirations as capital, skills, and initiative remain in short supply. Nationwide linkages and a national identity must be built in the face of quickening ethnic anxieties and inward-lookingness. The functional benefits offered by a continued non-African presence must be secured without causing deep-seated popular frustrations; such frustrations could clearly jeopardize the regime's legitimacy should they become too extreme. The need for schools, hospitals, and welfare activities are juxtaposed against such pressing requirements as the development of power facilities, irrigation schemes, road networks, and industries. The choices are difficult and the demands heavy. No wonder Aristide Zolberg remarks that the “governments with the lowest load capability have assumed the heaviest burdens.”

If these restrictions of international environment and resources did not impose sufficient constraints upon governments as they attempt to cope with developmental needs, their flexibility of movement is further constricted by the pulls of ideology. African countries, fresh from an encounter with powerful, privileged European states, carry over a wide range of liberal commitments into the postindependence period. They are naturally determined to continue the struggle against any remaining manifestations of colonialism on the continent—white settler oligarchies, neocolonialist military and economic arrangements, or politically-inspired alignments with powers outside of Africa. Their leaders proclaim both nationalist and pan-Africanist objectives and call simultaneously for a leveling egalitarianism and rapid economic growth. The extent to which they can reconcile these somewhat overlapping, and even conflicting, goals with the compelling claims implicit in nation-building remains a crucial question with broad implications for regime stability.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1970

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

This is a revised version of a paper presented at the 1969 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. I wish to express my appreciation to Professors Alexander Groth and Larry Wade for helpful comments on the original manuscript.

References

1 The Structure of Political Conflict in the New States of Tropical Africa,” this Review, LXII (March, 1968), p. 73 Google Scholar. Also see Emerson's, Rupert discussion in Political Modernization: The Single-Party System, University of Denver Monograph No. 1 (Denver: University of Denver, 1964), pp. 910 Google Scholar.

2 Kenya Ṗopulation Census, 1962, Vol. III (Nairobi: Ministry of Economic Planning and Development, 1966), p. 45 Google Scholar, and ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 22, 51.

3 Ibid., Vol. IV, pp. 27, 53, and Republic of Kenya, Statistical Abstract, 1965 (Nairobi: Ministry of Economic Planning and Development, 1965), p. 115 Google ScholarPubMed.

4 Statistical Abstract, 1965, p. 153.

5 Kenyatta, Jomo, Suffering Without Bitterness (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1968), p. 40 Google Scholar.

6 National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XVI, Sixth Sess. (September 19, 1968), col. 929Google Scholar.

7 Data supplied by the Directorate of Personnel.

8 Leys, Colin, Politicians and Policies (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1967), p. 52 Google Scholar.

9 These points are discussed at length in Mazrui, Ali A., Towards a Pax Africana (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1967), p. 99 Google Scholar. Kenyan and Tanzanian nationalists tended to focus upon the common goal of equality in different ways. Kenyans frequently stressed the central objective of equality between races while their Tanzanian counterparts talked of achieving equality by eliminating class exploitation. For the latter, see PresidentNyerere's, Julius remarks as reported in the Nationalist (Dar es Salaam), August 27, 1968, p. 1 Google Scholar.

10 Mazrui, Ali A., On Heroes and Uhuru-Worskip (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1967), p. 242 Google Scholar.

11 Results are based upon 680 returned questionnaires out of a total sample of 730, or a return rate of 93 per cent. Twenty-seven of the 680 interviews were rejected as incomplete or dishonest. The interviews were conducted by 20 African men in the fall and winter of 1966; the place of interview was divided roughly evenly among urban (Nairobi), periurban, and rural areas throughout Kenya. Although this sample deliberately overrepresents urban dwellers (because I was interested in opinion data from the more politically mobilized sectors of the population), the sample nonetheless includes a more substantial proportion of rural respondents than are normally interviewed in public opinion research in Africa. Among those interviewed, 237 had completed primary school, 170 had completed secondary school, 152 had some secondary school, 47 had attended a university, and 47 were tribal elders. The following occupational categories were included: 183 teachers or students, 73 farmers, 63 government employees, and 334 non-government workers. For an emphasis on the important role of the “politically relevant strata of the population” in the political process of the African states, see Deutsch, Karl W., “Social Mobilization and Political Development,” this Review, LV (September 1961), 497498 Google Scholar. Also see Coleman, James S., “Conclusion: The Political Systems of the Developing Areas” in Almond, Gabriel A. and Coleman, James S. (eds.), The Politics of the Developing Areas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960), pp. 535536 Google Scholar. For companion articles based on the same survey, see Rothchild, Donald, “Kenya's Minorities and the African Crisis over Citizenship,” Race, IX (April 1968), 421437 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Ethnic Inequalities in Kenya,” Journal of Modern African Studies, VII (December 1969), pp. 689711 Google Scholar.

12 The Kenya Government proscribed the Kenya People's Union in October 1969 following a violent confrontation in Kisumu and the placing of a number of major party officials in detention or under house arrest.

13 East African Standard (Nairobi), September 20, 1968, p. 17 Google Scholar. His successor, Denis Akumu, declared that COTU's newly-elected leadership would resolutely oppose window Africanization.” Daily Nation (Nairobi), March 5, 1969, p. 17 Google ScholarPubMed.

14 For Mboya, Tom, “a policy of greater selfreliance must involve the use of Kenyan manpower and enterprise which without too much difficulty can be performed by Kenyans.” Daily Nation (Nairobi), April 11, 1968, p. 5 Google Scholar. An important East African statement on this subject appears in The Arusha Declaration and TANU's Policy on Socialism and Self-Reliance (Dar es Salaam: Publicity Section, Tanganyika African National Union, 1967), Part IIIGoogle Scholar.

15 Editorial in the Nationalist (Dar es Salaam), August 30, 1968, p. 4 Google ScholarPubMed, and Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 218. For a discussion of the socially-defined nature of merit, see Runciman, W. G., Relative Deprivation and Social Justice (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), p. 262 Google Scholar.

16 Legislative Council Debates (Kenya), Vol. LXXXV, Fourth Sess. (June 1, 1960), col. 1146Google Scholar.

17 Ibid., Vol. LXXXIX, Second Sess. (May 9, 1962), col. 51. See also the comments of Senator Kalya, G. N. in Senate Debates (Kenya), Vol. I, First Sess. (July 25, 1963), col. 493Google Scholar.

18 In his Jamhuri (Independence) day address of 1967, President Kenyatta proudly asserted that: Despite this rapid Africanization, there has been no fall in the standards of efficiency.” Kenya Newsletter No. 25, December 15, 1967, p. 3 Google Scholar. See also, Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 242.

19 East African Standard (Nairobi), July 9, 1965, p. 21 Google Scholar. Statement by Senator Lubembe.

20 National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XII, Fifth Sess. (July 7, 1967), col. 1965Google Scholar. As the chairman of the East African Institution of Engineers (Kenya Division), J. F. K. Kahumbu, remarked over the lack of Asian fundis in the building trade, Surely to train fundis will not take years.” Daily Nation (Nairobi), November 12, 1967, p. 3 Google ScholarPubMed.

21 Awori, Aggrey S., “East African University Must be Africanized,” East African Journal, IV (December, 1967), p. 20 Google Scholar. For a criticism of standards by a non-African, see Wells, Jill, “An Original Signatory Reconsiders the Kenyanization Paper,” East African Journal, V (May, 1968), pp. 1011 Google Scholar.

22 Statement by O'Newlaw, George, general secretary of the African Kenya Civil Servants Union, Daily Nation (Nairobi), November 29, 1962, p. 4 Google Scholar.

23 Sunday Nation (Nairobi), June 2, 1968, p. 8 Google Scholar. Also see his comments in ibid., May 5, 1968, p. 4.

24 East African Standard (Nairobi), June 14, 1968, p. 1 Google Scholar.

25 See the reasons given by the Minister for Power and Communications when he refused to replace the Chairman of the Transport Licensing Tribunal Court with an African. National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XII, Fifth Sess. (June 22, 1967), col. 1272Google Scholar.

26 In the period prior to and immediately after independence, non-Africans generally urged a policy of equal treatment under the law for all citizens. They rejected preferential treatment for the less favored majority community and pressed instead for property safeguards and recruitment policies which emphasized individual merit and achievement. By 1967, however, a significant minority had come to accept the logic of corrective equity. This conclusion is based on a separate survey of Asian businessmen conducted by this author and Peter Marris in Nairobi, Kiambu and Limuru in June 1967. Results are based on 281 completed questionnaires out of a total sample of 301, or a return rate of 93 per cent. In Nairobi and the Nairobi Industrial Area, a 10 per cent sample was obtained by means of street counting; in Kiambu and Limuru, the whole business population was used for purposes of a sample. When asked whether it is sometimes fair for government to give special preference to Africans over other citizens, or not, 28 per cent of the total responses to this multicoded question were in the affirmative, 66 per cent in the negative, and 6 per cent had no opinion or didn't know.

27 Speech to the annual general meeting of the Federation of Kenya Employers as quoted in the East African Standard (Nairobi), March 23, 1968, p. 4 Google Scholar. In 1968 he was a director of 20 companies. National Christian Council of Kenya Working Party, Who Controls Industry in Kenya? (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1968), p. 145 Google ScholarPubMed.

28 Statement by the general manager of East African Cargo Handling Services, Ltd. as reported in the Daily Nation (Nairobi), June 20, 1968, p. 24 Google ScholarPubMed.

29 See Republic of Kenya, A Development Strategy for Africa: Problems and Proposals (Nairobi: Ministry of Economic Planning and Development, 1967), p. 23 Google Scholar. Also see a report of his remarks to a Kenya Institute of Administration course at Kabete in Daily Nation (Nairobi), September 20, 1968, p. 9 Google ScholarPubMed.

30 Republic of Kenya, High Level Manpower Requirements and Resources in Kenya, 1964–1970 (Nairobi: Ministry of Economic Planning and Development, 1965), p. 15 Google Scholar.

31 Estimates of the imbalance between projected demand and supply in these occupations are given in ibid., p. 14. For critical analyses of the short-comings of this report, see Republic of Kenya, Kenya Education Commission Report, Part II (Nairobi: Government Printer, 1965), pp. 3840 Google Scholar, and Rado, E. R., “Manpower Planning in East Africa,” East African Economic Review, Vol. III (new series), No. 1 (June, 1967)Google Scholar. Another set of projections appeared in Hunter, Guy, Education for a Developing Region: A Study in East Africa (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1963), p. 64 Google Scholar.

32 National Manpower Board, Nigeria's High-Level Manpower, 1963–1970, Manpower Study No. 2 (Lagos: Government Printer, 1964), p. 19 Google Scholar.

33 Sunday Nation (Nairobi), October 22, 1967, p. 1 Google Scholar. See also East African Standard (Nairobi), November 10, 1967, p. 17 Google Scholar; Reporter (Nairobi), November 29, 1968, p. 29 Google ScholarPubMed; and National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XII, Fifth Sess. (June 28, 1967), col. 1533Google Scholar, remarks by A. J. Pandya.

34 Statistics compiled from a written reply by the Minister for Education, Nyagah, J. J., to a parliamentary question, House of Representatives Debates (Kenya), Vol. X, Fourth Sess. (December 7, 1966), cols. 2523–2524Google Scholar.

35 Rado, E. R. and Jolly, A. R., “The Demand for Manpower—An East African Case Study,” Journal of Development Studies, I (April, 1965), p. 243 Google Scholar.

36 East African Standard (Nairobi), December 5, 1966, p. 7 Google Scholar. For comments on the need for expatriate teachers, see Eric Khasakhala's remarks as reported in ibid., March 6, 1968, p. 9.

37 Republic of Kenya, African Socialism and its Application to Planning in Kenya (Nairobi: Government Printer, 1965), p. 21 Google Scholar.

38 Ibid., p. 18. In reconciling African Socialism with the ownership of a Mercedes-Benz, Tom Mboya spoke as follows: “If we are going to have African managers and professionals, we have a responsibility to create the atmosphere in which they operate. There has always been serious misunderstanding by those who think that African Socialism means equitable distribution of poverty. To me, however, it means equitable distribution of wealth.” East African Standard (Nairobi), May 26, 1969, p. 5 Google Scholar.

39 East African Standard (Nairobi), February 23 1968, p. 17 Google Scholar.

40 National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XIV, Sixth Sess. (March 5, 1968), col. 386Google Scholar.

41 Ibid., Vol. XIII, Fifth Sess. (November 7, 1967), cols. 1809–1810, and ibid., Vol. XII, Fifth Sess. (July 28, 1967), cols. 2927–2930.

42 Republic of Kenya, Registrar-General Annual Report, 1964 (Nairobi: Government Printer, 1965), p. 13 Google Scholar.

43 Registrar-General Annual Reports, 1964–1966.

44 National Christian Council of Kenya Working Party, Who Controls Industry in Kenya?

45 Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 198. Nationalization, contended S. M. Balala, the Assistant Minister for Finance, would be merely to misuse scarce capital resources. National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XVI, Sixth Sess. (September 4, 1968), col. 166Google Scholar.

46 No. 35 of 1964, p. 4.

47 Such certificates signify that an investment is contributing to Kenya's economic development.

48 See President Nyerere's, Julius interview with Githii, George in Daily Nation (Nairobi), August 7, 1968, p. 11 Google Scholar.

49 Government of Kenya, Development Plan, 1966–1970 (Nairobi: Government Printer, 1966) pp. 44, 118 Google ScholarPubMed.

50 In the manufacturing sector, for example, £53 million out of a total of £61.7 million is to come from private sources. Ibid., p. 111.

51 Kenyatta, op. cit., p. 344. Also see his remarks in East African Standard (Nairobi), February 19, 1968, p. 5 Google Scholar.

52 House of Representatives Debates (Kenya), Vol. III, Second Sess. (October 7, 1964), col. 3246Google Scholar. Also see Jaramogi Oginga Odinga's remarks at the time of his resignation from KANU in Gertzel, C., Goldschmidt, M., and Rothchild, D., Government and Politics in Kenya: A Nation-Building Text (Nairobi: East African Publishing House, 1969), p. 145 Google Scholar.

53 Kenya People's Union, K.P.U. Manifesto (Nairobi: Kenya People's Union, 1966), pp. 34 Google ScholarPubMed. Also see Kenya People's Union, Wananchi Declaration (Nairobi: KPU, 1969), p. 5 Google Scholar. Nevertheless KPU's militancy did not blind it to the contributions of immigrants capital and skill. In 1966, KPU President Oginga Odinga stressed that in the process of transforming Kenya's economy, KPU would try to see that justice was done to those immigrants who arrived in Kenya with the capital and skill which developed “the islands of prosperity already described.” East African Standard (Nairobi), August 10, 1966, p. 3 Google Scholar.

54 For David Apter, government can be treated as an independent variable insofar as it changes the character of modernization. He observes: “It is in industrial societies as distinct from modernizing ones that government as an intervening variable comes to prevail.” See his book, The Politics of Modernization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965), p. 252 Google ScholarPubMed.

55 For variants of the radical-reforming dichotomy, see Coleman, James S. and Rosberg, Carl G. Jr., (eds.), Political Parties and National Integration in Tropical Africa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964), pp. 56 Google Scholar; Good, Robert C., “Changing Patterns of African International Relations,” this Review, LVII (September, 1964), 632634 Google Scholar; Amin, Samir, Le Developpement Du Capitalisme en Cote D'Ivoire (Paris: Les Editions de Minuit, 1967), p. 265 Google Scholar; Wallerstein, Immanuel, Africa: The Politics of Unity (New York: Random House, 1967), Ch. XIGoogle Scholar; and Fanon, Frantz, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, 1963), pp. 77, 99117 Google Scholar.

56 African Socialism and Its Application to Planning in Kenya, p. 18. “Rapid economic growth, in all countries,” commented Tom Mboya, the late Minister for Economic Planning and Development, “is a prerequisite to the extension and intensification of welfare services and to the provision of greater employment opportunities.” House of Representatives Debates (Kenya), Vol. IX, Second Sess. (May 4, 1965), col. 1794Google Scholar.

57 Speaking of the overseas investor, Kenyatta, observed: “We must continue to merit and to encourage these injections of capital in the private sector….” East African Standard (Nairobi), May 2, 1968, p. 5 Google Scholar. See also J. G. Kiano's statement in ibid., September 19, 1966, p. 4; and Tom Mboya's in ibid., January 19, 1968, p. 1.

58 Sunday Nation (Nairobi), February 18, 1968, p. 1 Google Scholar. According to a former consultant to the Kenya government, “… the private sector has exceeded expectations in both capital spending and self help effort.” Edwards, Edgar O., “Development Planning in Kenya Since Independence,” East African Economic Review, 4 (New Series) (December, 1968), p. 9 Google Scholar. The percentage rates of growth of the gross domestic product in the 1963–67 period were estimated as 7.4 per cent at current prices and 5.3 per cent at constant prices. Republic of Kenya, Economic Survey 1968 (Nairobi: Ministry of Economic Planning and Development, 1968), p. 7 Google ScholarPubMed.

59 African Socialism…, p. 26. Also see Ndegwa's, Duncan argument in Daily Nation (Nairobi), August 1, 1968, p. 13 Google Scholar.

60 House of Representatives Debates (Kenya), Vol. IX, Fourth Sess. (July 15, 1966), col. 1904Google Scholar. Also see Republic of Kenya, Kenyanization of Personnel in the Private Sector (Nairobi: Government Printer, 1967), p. 3 Google ScholarPubMed.

61 Speech by the Hon. T. J. Mboya, Minister for Economic Planning and Development—Introducing the Development Plan 1966/1970,” Nairobi Press Conference, May 5, 1966, p. 43 Google Scholar. (Mimeo.). For his discussion of the limited utility of nationalization under Kenya circumstances, see House of Representatives Debates (Kenya), Vol. IV, Second Sess. (May 4, 1965), cols. 1803–1806Google Scholar.

62 For the distinction between symbolic and substantive rewards, as used in a different context, see Froman, Lewis A. Jr., People and Politics: An Analysis of the American Political System (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1962), pp. 26, 6869 Google Scholar.

63 National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XIII, Fifth Sess. (November 9, 1967), col. 1972Google Scholar.

64 East African Standard (Nairobi), January 12, 1968, p. 1 Google Scholar. See also National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XIV, Sixth Sess. (April 9, 1968), col. 1794Google Scholar.

65 East African Standard (Nairobi), February 24, 1968, p. 5 Google Scholar. For articles dealing with Kitale fears over the effects of the Trade Licensing Law, see ibid., February 23, 1968, p. 8.

66 Sunday Nation (Nairobi), August 18, 1968, p. 1 Google Scholar, and Daily Nation (Nairobi), August 19, 1968, p. 3 Google ScholarPubMed. It is important to note that no guidelines as to competency were set.

67 National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XIII, Fifth Sess. (November 9, 1967), col. 1968Google Scholar.

68 I am grateful to Peter Marris for bringing most of the points in this paragraph to my attention.

69 East African Standard (Nairobi), November 15, 1967, p. 9 Google Scholar, and November 16, 1967, p. 4.

70 Daily Nation (Nairobi), June 8, 1968, pp. 1, 24 Google ScholarPubMed, and June 10, 1968, p. 6.

71 Republic of Kenya, Statement on Application of the New Immigration Act in Relation to “Work Permits” and Kenyanization by D. T. arap Moi (Nairobi: Government Printer, 1968), p. 2 Google Scholar; Daily Nation (Nairobi), February 15, 1968, p. 6 and February 16, 1968, p. 4Google ScholarPubMed; and East African Standard (Nairobi), February 15, 1968, pp. 1, 4, 5 Google Scholar.

72 Letter from G. S. Sandhu to J. Callaghan (Nairobi: U. K. Citizens Committee, May 29, 1968), p. 1. (Mimeo.). The government's generosity is underlined by the fact that the following middlelevel categories were involved: secretaries, artisans, masons, carpenters, cashiers, office machine operators, shop assistants, and salesmen. National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XVI, Sixth Sess. (September 23, 1968), col. 1071Google Scholar. In July, 1969, J. H. Gitau, the director of the Kenyanization of Personnel Bureau, commented that more than half of the 18,000 applications for work permits received from noncitizens had been approved. East African Standard (Nairobi), July 4, 1969, p. 5 Google Scholar.

73 The United Republic of Tanzania, Tanzania Second Five-Year Plan for Economic and Social Development, 1st July, 1969–30th June, 1974, Vol. I (Dar es Salaam: Government Printer, 1969), p. 1 Google Scholar.

74 The Arusha Declaration, p. 11. See also his Freedom and Socialism (Dar es Salaam: Oxford University Press, 1968), pp. 166167 Google ScholarPubMed, and his interview with Githii, George in Daily Nation (Nairobi), August 7, 1968, p. 11 Google Scholar.

75 Freedom and Socialism, p. 263. For discussions of how gifts and loans endanger independence by Tanzanians and others, see The Arusha Declaration, pp. 9–10, and Wanachi Declaration, p. 9.

76 Education for Self-Reliance (Dar es Salaam: Government Printer, 1967), p. 6 Google ScholarPubMed.

77 The sources of investment capital during the Second Plan period are projected as follows: central government, shs. 3,055 m.; parastatal organizations and cooperatives, shs. 2,300 m.; private, shs. 2,150 m.; East African Community, shs. 580 m., United Republic of Tanzania, Tanzania Second Five-Year Plan …, p. 210 Google Scholar. On the slow growth in total number of employed people, see Bienen, Henry, “An Ideology for Africa,” Foreign Affairs, XLVII (April, 1969), p. 549 Google Scholar.

78 Arrighi, Giovanni and Saul, John, “Socialism and Economic Development,” Journal of Modern African Studies, VI (August, 1968), pp. 150151 Google Scholar.

79 Editorial, , Nationalist (Dar es Salaam), May 8, 1969, p. 4 Google Scholar, and Reporter (Nairobi), November 14, 1969, p. 27 Google ScholarPubMed.

80 National Assembly Debates (Kenya), Vol. XVI, Sixth Sess. (September 3, 1968), cols. 98–99Google Scholar. See also East African Standard (Nairobi), October 4, 1968, p. 17 Google Scholar. For a discussion of Kenya's unemployed as a political pressure group, see Gutkind, Peter C. W., “The Poor in Urban Africa,” in Power, Poverty and Urban Policy, ed. by Bloomberg, Warner Jr., and Schmandt, Henry J. (Urban Affairs Annual Reviews, Vol. II; Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, 1968), pp. 388392 Google Scholar.

81 For a discussion of parochial as well as class factors in the Gem by-election, see Okumu, John Joseph, “The By Election in Gem: An Assessment,” East Africa Journal, VI (June, 1969), pp. 1517 Google Scholar.

82 This point was clarified in discussions with Professor Michael Lofchie. Moreover, as Ted Gurrnotes, a regime's attempt to use coercive measures in dealing with widely perceived feelings of deprivation will necessitate the commitment of a high level of resources. A Causal Model of Civil Strife: A Comparative Analysis Using New Indices,” this Review, LXII (December, 1968), p. 1124 Google Scholar.