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Discovering Voting Groups in the United Nations*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 August 2014

Bruce M. Russett*
Affiliation:
Yale University

Extract

The discussion of voting groups or blocs within the United Nations General Assembly has long been a popular pastime. It is, of course, merely a special case of a wider concern with groups and coalitions in all aspects of international politics. With the apparent loosening of the early postwar bipolarity it is increasingly important to discern the number, composition, and relative strength of whatever coalitions of nations may emerge from the present seemingly transitional period.

Voting groups in the General Assembly provide a relevant datum, though hardly the only one, for an effort to identify these groups. The United Nations gives no perfect image of broader international politics; due to the one-nation one-vote principle and to the fact that it is not a world government with authority to enforce its decisions, power relationships within the Assembly are not the same as in other arenas, such as functional or geographic ones. It might well be argued that because of the majority-rule principle the smaller and poorer states have an incentive to band together in the UN that they do not have elsewhere. Thus the discovery of a “bloc” of underdeveloped countries in the UN proves nothing about the cohesion of that “bloc” in other contexts. Yet votes in the General Assembly do provide a unique set of data where many national governments commit themselves simultaneously and publicly on a wide variety of major issues.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Political Science Association 1966

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References

1 Bloc Politics in the United Nations (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960)Google Scholar.

2 Ibid., and Thomas Hovet, Africa in the United Nations (Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 1963). See also Ball, M. Margaret, “Bloc Voting in the General Assembly,” International Organization, 5 (1951), 331CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Riggs, Robert E., Politics in the United Nations (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1958)Google Scholar; and Alker, Hayward R. Jr., , and Russett, Bruce M., World Politics in the General Assembly (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1965)Google Scholar, ch. 12.

3 Quantitative Techniques for Studying Voting Behavior in the UN General Assembly,” International Organization, 14 (1960), 291306CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Even in Rieselbach's Table 2 of Latin American countries there would seem to be one other group (Uruguay, Costa Rica, Paraguay, Honduras, Peru) that meets his criteria (five countries, 80 per cent agreement) for a bloc.

5 The Analysis of Bloc Voting in the General Assembly,” this Review, 57 (1963), 902917Google Scholar.

6 Alker, Hayward R. Jr., , “Dimensions of Conflict in the General Assembly,” this Review, 58 (1964), 642657Google Scholar and Alker and Russett, op. cit. A much more detailed discussion of how factor analysis is employed can be found in chapter 2 of the latter. As yet unpublished analyses of UN votes have been performed by George Chacko, Rudolph Rummel, Raymond Tanter, Charles Wrigley, and others.

7 Alker, op cit.

8 Although it has been used rather frequently in other disciplines, to my knowledge the only application in comparative or international politics is a paper by Banks, Arthur S. and Gregg, Phillip, “Grouping Political Systems: Q-Factor Analysis of A Cross-Polity Survey,” American Behavioral Scientist, 9, 3 (November, 1965), 36CrossRefGoogle Scholar. An application to the Kansas state legislature can be found in Grumm, John, “A Factor Analysis of Legislative Behavior,” Midwest Journal of Political Science, 7 (1963), 336356CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It is worth noting that in his pioneer study of voting blocs in the United States Congress David Truman discusses the difficulty of finding blocs in a large matrix and suggests factor analysis as a method possibly superior to his own; The Congressional Party (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1959), p. 329Google Scholar.

9 Committee votes often preview later plenary ones, but more frequently there is no plenary roll-call vote repeating one in committee. Even when the same paragraph or resolution does come up again the alignments usually shift somewhat; there are no duplicates in the following analysis.

10 Lijphart, op. cit., and Alker and Russett, op cit.

11 In Tables 1 and 2 I present the factors as rotated according to the varimax technique. Unities were inserted in the principal diagonal of the correlation matrix. “Rotating” the original factors to “simple structure” maximizes the number of both very high and very low loadings, thus making interpretation easier. Each factor has an “eigen value” which expresses the amount of variance in the entire table that it accounts for. The eigen value, when divided by the total number of variables (countries), gives the percentage of variance accounted for by the factor. All 15 factors with eigen values greater than one were rotated. Nine factors which had no more than one loading as high as .50 are omitted from the table.

12 Cf. Okita, Saburo, “Japan and the Developing Nations,” Contemporary Japan, 28, 2 (1965), 114Google Scholar.

13 Alker and Russett, op. cit.

14 In all there were nine factors with eigen values greater than one, accounting for 75 per cent of the total variance. I list here only those roll-calls which correlated at least .71 with the underlying factor, and thus more than half of whose variance can be accounted for by the factor. More detailed information on the resolutions can be found in the Summary of Activities” of the General Assembly in International Organization, 18, 2 (1964), 313467Google Scholar and of course in the Official Records themselves. International Conciliation, No. 544 (September 1963) discusses the issues before their consideration by the Assembly.

15 See Table 2 in Alker, op. cit.

16 Cf. Rosenau, James, “The Functioning of International Systems,” Background, 7, 3, (1963), 111117CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for an illuminating discussion of issue-areas in national politics.

17 As was done in Alker, op. cit., and Alker and Russett, op. cit.

18 The fact that the Afro-Asians correlate more highly than do the Communists with the “cold war” factor indicates that the latter is a slightly misleading label. There are some roll-call votes, such as those about the role of the UN in reunifying and rehabilitating Korea, or establishing a fact-finding commission for the peaceful settlement of disputes, which have substantial “supra-national” loadings and overtones. On these votes the Afro-Asians and Communists often part company, at least to the degree of an abstention. Putting a descriptive label on a factor is always a somewhat tentative exercise, which is why I have here enclosed the labels in quotation marks.

19 Russett, Bruce M., International Regions and International Integration (Chicago: Rand McNally, forthcoming.)Google Scholar.