1. Jorge Luis Borges, “The Garden of Forking Paths” [1941], in Ficciones, ed. and trans. Anthony Kerrigan (New York: Grove Weidenfeld, 1962), 89–101, here p. 97.

2. Published in Armando Cortesão and Avelino Teixeira da Mota, eds., Portugaliae mon-umenta cartographica, 6 vols. (Lisbon: Academia Portuguesa da História, 1960–1962), 1:173–76. The dating and attribution are not definitive. A Goan origin is very likely, a possible authorship by Fernão Vaz Dourado not firmly established.

3. Giacomo Gastaldi, La descrittione della prima parte dell’Asia, originally engraved in Venice by Fabio Licinio in 1559. The earliest surviving copies were printed from a plate engraved in Rome by Jakob Bos for Antonio Lafreri, dated 1561. Other printed maps of the region are compiled in Cyrus Alai, General Maps of Persia, 1477–1925 (Leiden: Brill, 2005).

4. The finest introduction to the topic remains David Woodward, “Cartography and the Renaissance: Continuity and Change,” in The History of Cartography, ed. J. B. Harley and David Woodward, vol. 3, Cartography in the European Renaissance, ed. David Woodward (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), part 1, pp. 3–24, https://press.uchicago. edu/books/HOC/index.html.

5. See Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, parts 1 and 2.

6. Jorge Cañizares-Esguerra, “Iberian Science in the Renaissance: Ignored How Much Longer?” Perspectives on Science 12, no. 1 (2004): 86–124; William Eamon, “‘Nuestros males no son constitucionales, sino circunstanciales’: The Black Legend and the History of Early Modern Spanish Science,” Colorado Review of Hispanic Studies 7 (2009): 13–30.

7. For a good overview, see John L. Heilbron, “Was There a Scientific Revolution?” in The Oxford Handbook of the History of Physics, ed. Jed Z. Buchwald and Robert Fox (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 7–24.

8. Stefanie Gänger, “Circulation: Reflections on Circularity, Entity, and Liquidity in the Language of Global History,” Journal of Global History 12, no. 3 (2017): 303–18.

9. Cornel Zwierlein, “Introduction: Towards a History of Ignorance,” in The Dark Side of Knowledge: Histories of Ignorance, 1400 to 1800, ed. Cornel Zwierlein (Leiden: Brill, 2016), 1–47.

10. John Brian Harley, “Silences and Secrecy: The Hidden Agenda of Cartography in Early Modern Europe,” Imago Mundi 40 (1988): 57–76.

11. Peter Burke, A Social History of Knowledge, vol. 2, From the “Encyclopédie” to Wikipedia (Cambridge: Polity, 2012).

12. See, for example, Elizabeth Horodowich, The Venetian Discovery of America: Geographic Imagination and Print Culture in the Age of Encounters (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 135.

13. Matthew Edney, Cartography: The Ideal and Its History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2019).

14. To my knowledge, no other major European language allows for a distinction between “cartography” and “mapmaking”—which is in itself significant, of course, and may sug-gest that the words cartographie, Kartographie, cartografía, and so on must be de- and reconstructed critically.

15. By “(dis)connectivity” I wish to signal the importance of maintaining a critical and nuanced perspective on connectivity. See Zoltán Biedermann, “(Dis)connected History and the Multiple Narratives of Global Early Modernity,” Modern Philology 119, no. 1 (2021): 13–32. German historians have proposed the terms Verflechtung and Entflechtung, literally meaning “interweaving” and “un-weaving,” to signify the contradictory forces propelling connections and disconnections.

16. Note the recent attempts to amplify a concept often misused for nationalistic purposes, for instance Henrique Leitão and Antonio Sánchez, “Zilsel’s Thesis, Maritime Culture, and Iberian Science in Early Modern Europe,” Journal of the History of Ideas 78, no. 2 (2017): 191–210, here p. 200: “By ‘Iberian science’ we refer to the specific characteristics that scientific practice acquired under the peculiar conditions (economic, political, and social) prevalent during the first phase of European maritime expansion.”

17. Edney, Cartography, 229.

18. Ibid., 31–33. Edney defines “modes” as “patterns of processes” in the making of maps, and admits that these are tools of heuristic simplification in the face of a very complex reality. He identifies fourteen different modes, including those at the heart of this study, “marine” and “geographic.”

19. On Goa and the Estado, see Anthony Disney, A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire, vol. 2, The Portuguese Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).

20. On Goa as a center of knowledge production and exchange, see Ines Županov and Ângela Barreto Xavier, Catholic Orientalism: Portuguese Empire, Indian Knowledge (16th–18th Centuries) (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2015). On de Orta, see Hugh Cagle, Assembling the Tropics: Science and Medicine in Portugal’s Empire, 1450–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018).

21. The classic overview remains Cortesão and da Mota, Portugaliae monumenta carto-graphica, vol. 1. See also Maria Fernanda Alegria et al., “Portuguese Cartography in the Renaissance,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 1, 975–1068.

22. Cortesão and da Mota, Portugaliae monumenta cartographica, 2:113–16 and plates 211–26. This atlas has nineteen folios of parchment measuring 432 x 613 mm, each used recto and verso. There are thirteen charts, five pages of cosmographic data, a page showing the Virgin and Child, and a blank page.

23. Armando Cortesão, Cartografia e cartógrafos portugueses dos séculos XV e XVI, 2 vols. (Lisbon: Seara Nova, 1935), 2:248; Cortesão and da Mota, Portugaliae monumenta cartographica, vol. 2, plate 218. The current Times Comprehensive Atlas of the World (London: Times Books, 2018) renders the names of the lakes as Daryacheh-ye Namak and Kavir-e Namak.

24. Edney has proposed to drop the notion of scale and instead adopt terms referring to resolution. “Fine grained” maps thus show a great amount of local detail, while “coarse grained” maps do not. The proposition is inspired by the French terms grand point (for large scale, fine grained maps showing details of specific places or regions) and petit point (for small scale, coarse grained maps showing the world). Edney, Cartography, 178.

25. I thank Irina Shingiray and Elio Brancaforte for pointing me in this direction.

26. A more detailed study of this map is under preparation for the journal Imago Mundi.

27. On this and other maps of the region, see Rouben Galichian, Countries South of the Caucasus in Medieval Maps: Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan (Erevan/London: Printinfo Art Books/Gomidas Institute, 2007), 178–79; Svetlana Gorshenina, L’invention de l’Asie centrale. Histoire du concept de la Tartarie à l’Eurasie (Geneva: Droz, 2014).

28. On the wider diplomatic context, including important developments in the late 1550s, see Rudi Matthee, “Distant Allies: Diplomatic Contacts between Portugal and Iran in the Reign of Shah Tahmasb, 1524–1576,” in Portugal, the Persian Gulf and Safavid Persia, ed. Rudi Matthee and Jorge M. Flores (Louvain: Peeters, 2011), 219–48; Dejanirah Couto, “Figuras de antagonismo. Reatamento das negociações luso-otomanas, Diogo do Couto e a audiência de António Teixeira de Azevedo ao Grão-Turco (1563),” in Diogo do Couto. História e intervenção política de um escritor polémico, ed. Rui Loureiro and M. Augusta Lima Cruz (Vila Nova de Famalicão: Húmus, 2019), 315–62.

29. On the Portuguese and Armenian networks, see Dejanirah Couto, “Arméniens et Portugais dans les réseaux d’information de l’océan Indien au 16^e siècle,” in Les Arméniens dans le commerce asiatique au début du XVI ^e siècle, ed. Suchil Chaudhury and Kéram Kévonian (Paris: Éd. de la MSH, 2007), 171–96.

30. On this figure and other “Armenian” or “Chaldean” bishops in India, see Roberto Gulbenkian, “Jacome Abuna, an Armenian Bishop in Malabar (1503–1550),” Arquivos do Centro Cultural Português 4 (1972): 149–76, here pp. 165 and 170.

31. Roberto Gulbenkian, “Les ambassades portugaises en Perse du début du xvi^e à la fin du xvii^e siècle,” in Estudos históricos vol. 2, Relações entre Portugal, Irão e Médio-Oriente (Lisbon: Academia Portuguesa da História, 1995), 19.

32. Zoltán Biedermann, “Mapping the Backyard of an Empire: Portuguese Cartographies of the Persian Littoral during the Safavid Period,” in Matthee and Flores, Portugal, the Persian Gulf and Safavid Persia, 51–78. For a representative collection of maps from this period, see Dejanirah Couto et al., eds., Atlas historique du golfe Persique. XVI ^e –XVIII ^e siècles (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006). For an outline of the main models developed for the Gulf, see Zoltán Biedermann, “The New Atlas of Historical Maps of the Persian Gulf: Methodological Aspects,” in Cartographie historique du golfe Persique, ed. Mahmoud Taleghani et al. (Tehran: IFRI, 2006), 61–75.

33. Alison Sandman, “Spanish Nautical Cartography in the Renaissance,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 1, 1095–1142.

34. Felipe Fernández-Armesto, “Maps and Exploration in the Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 1, 738–58, here p. 755.

35. On possible Islamic-Portuguese exchanges, see Gerald R. Tibbetts, “The Role of Charts in Islamic Navigation in the Indian Ocean,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 2, part 1, Cartography in the Traditional Islamic and South Asian Societies, ed. J. B. Harley and David Woodward (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 256–62. There is abundant proof of these practical interactions in sixteenth-century roteiros and travelogues, but no overarching study on the subject. See, for example, Armando Cortesão, ed., A Suma oriental de Tomé Pires e o Livro de Francisco Rodrigues (Coimbra: Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1978), 106.

36. A good introduction to the logic of portolan charting can be found in Ricardo Padrón, The Spacious Word: Cartography, Literature, and Empire in Early Modern Spain (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 45–90. See also Catherine Hofmann, Hélène Richard, and Emmanuelle Vagnon, eds., L’âge d’or des cartes marines. Quand l’Europe découvrait le monde (Paris: BNF/Éd. du Seuil, 2012).

37. Joaquim Alves Gaspar, “From the Portolan Chart to the Latitude Chart: The Silent Cartographic Revolution,” Cartes & géomatique. Revue du Comité français de cartographie 216, no. 6 (2013): 67–77; Joaquim Alves Gaspar and Henrique Leitão, “Early Modern Nautical Charts and Maps: Working Through Different Cartographic Paradigms,” Journal of Early Modern History 23, no. 1 (2019): 1–28.

38. The classic study on this social group is Avelino Teixeira da Mota, “Some Notes on the Organization of Hydrographical Services in Portugal before the Beginning of the Nineteenth Century,” Imago Mundi 28 (1976): 51–60.

39. Leitão and Sánchez, “Zilsel’s Thesis,” 203–204.

40. A. J. R. Russell-Wood, “Seamen Ashore and Afloat: The Social Environment of the Carreira da India, 1550–1750,” in An Expanding World: The European Impact on World History, 1450–1800, ed. A. J. R. Russell-Wood, vol. 3, The Globe Encircled and the World Revealed, ed. Ursula Lamb (Aldershot: Variorum, 1995), 93–110.

41. On portolan charts, see Tony Campbell, “Portolan Charts from the Late Thirteenth Century to 1500,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 1, Cartography in Prehistoric, Ancient, and Medieval Europe and the Mediterranean, ed. J. B. Harley and David Woodward (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 371–463. Naturally, the unity of the portolan genre can be questioned in turn, and broken down into a number of subtypes: see Hofmann, Richard, and Vagnon, L’âge d’or des cartes marines, 30–36.

42. For a study of the most lavishly illustrated map book of the time, see Alfredo Pinheiro Marques, Luís Filipe Thomaz, and Bernardo Sá Nogeira, Atlas Miller (Barcelona: M. Moleiro, 2006).

43. Some Islamic influences in the Cantino planisphere of 1502 are explored, but also critiqued as being of limited importance, in Tibbetts, “The Role of Charts in Islamic Navigation,” 262.

44. A magnificent facsimile is available, edited by José Manuel Garcia, O Livro de Francisco Rodrigues. O primeiro atlas do mundo moderno (Porto: Universidade do Porto, 2008).

45. Zoltán Biedermann, “Les îles dans la cartographie portugaise de la Renaissance,” in La fabrique de l’océan Indien. Cartes d’Orient et Occident (Antiquité–XVI ^e siècle), ed. Emmanuelle Vagnon and Eric Vallet (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2017), 211–23.

46. Joaquim Barradas de Carvalho, “A pré-história das palavras descobrir e descobri-mento, 1055–1567. Em busca da especificidade da expansão portuguesa,” História 6 (1979): 30–38.

47. Luís Filipe Barreto, Descobrimentos e Renascimento. Formas de ser e pensar nos séculos XV e XVI (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional-Casa da Moeda, 1983), 129.

48. On two subtypes of “experientialism,” namely “sensorial empiricism” and “critical-experiential rationalism,” see Luís Filipe Barreto, Portugal, mensageiro do mundo renas-centista. Problemas da cultura dos descobrimentos portugueses (Lisbon: Quetzal, 1989), 33–34. It has been argued that these methods are comparable to those proposed a century later in Francis Bacon’s Novum Organum; see Onésimo T. Almeida, “Experiência a madre das cousas – On the ‘Revolution of Experience’ in Sixteenth-Century Portuguese Maritime Discoveries and Its Foundational Role in the Emergence of the Scientific Worldview,” in Portuguese Humanism and the Republic of Letters, ed. Maria Berbara and Karl A. E. Enenkel (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 375–94.

49. While Felipe Fernández-Armesto has downplayed the importance of charts on ships (“Maps and Exploration,” 749–50), some evidence clearly points to them being handled, especially on long journeys. See, for example, Peter Barber’s commentary in Diogo Homem, The Queen Mary Atlas, ed. Peter Barber (London: Folio Society, 2005), 23.

50. The adjective moderno had considerable currency in Portugal at the time, although the 1530s brought a renewal of Classicism, especially at court. See Zoltán Biedermann, “Imperial Reflections: China, Rome and the Spatial Logics of History in the Asia of João de Barros,” in Empires en marche. Rencontres entre la Chine et l’Occident à l’âge moderne (XVI ^e –XIX ^e siècles), ed. Dejanirah Couto and François Lachaud (Paris: École française d’Extrême-Orient, 2017), 23–47.

51. While the innovative, Euclidean character of triangulation is commonly empha-sized by historians of cartography, Edney underlines how steeped these techniques remained in ancient practices bound up with the bodily experience of surveyors, com-bined with a very limited set of calculations: Edney, Cartography, 180–81. It has been shown, for example, that Christopher Saxton’s famous “survey” of England was really done county by county, and largely through the compilation of existing materials: Peter Barber, “Mapmaking in England, ca. 1470–1650,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 2, 1589–669, here pp. 1628–29; J. H. Andrews, “A Saxton Miscellany,” Imago Mundi 65, no. 1 (2013): 87–96.

52. A full explication of this principle only appeared in the eighteenth century: Lucile Haguet, “Specifying Ignorance in Eighteenth-Century Cartography, a Powerful Way to Promote the Geographer’s Work: The Example of Jean-Baptiste d’Anville,” in Zwierlein, The Dark Side of Knowledge, 358–81. See also Isabelle Laboulais, ed., Combler les blancs de la carte. Modalités et enjeux de la construction des savoirs géographiques (XVII ^e –XX ^e siècle) (Strasbourg: Presses universitaires de Strasbourg, 2004). On plénitude in relation to universalité, see Jean-Marc Besse, “La géographie de la Renaissance et la représenta-tion de l’universalité,” Memorie geografiche. Supplemento alla Rivista geografica italiana 5 (2005): 147–62.

53. For an overview of the Portuguese textual production on Persia, see João Teles and Cunha Teles, “The Eye of the Beholder: The Creation of a Portuguese Discourse on Safavid Iran,” in Matthee and Flores, Portugal, the Persian Gulf and Safavid Persia, 11–50. On cartographical writing in this context, see Zoltán Biedermann, “Um viajante sem mapas? Figueroa e a cartografia da Pérsia,” in Estudos sobre Don García de Silva y Figueroa e os “Comentarios” da embaixada à Pérsia (1614–1624), ed. Rui Loureiro and Vasco Resende (Lisbon: Centro de História de Além-Mar, 2011), 367–93. On maps and Portuguese literature, see Neil Safier and Ilda Mendes dos Santos, “Mapping Maritime Triumph and the Enchantment of Empire: Portuguese Literature of the Renaissance,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 1, 461–68.

54. Homem, The Queen Mary Atlas.

55. This tradition first appears in the world maps of Marino Sanuto and Pietro Vesconte, and was then incorporated into the “Catalan Atlas” of 1375 (Paris, Bibliothèque natio-nale de France, Espagnol-30, Atlas nautique attributed to Abraham Cresques, 1375) and the circular Catalan world map of ca. 1450 (Moderna, Biblioteca Estense, C.G.A.1, Mappamondo catalano, 1450), from where it was appropriated by mapmakers working in Andalusia, namely Juan de la Cosa and the exiled Diogo Ribeiro. Some aspects of this process are described in Leo Bagrow, “Italians on the Caspian,” Imago Mundi 13 (1956): 2–10.

56. Sonja Brentjes, ed., Travellers from Europe in the Ottoman and Safavid Empires, 16th– 17th Centuries: Seeking, Transforming, Discarding Knowledge (Farnham: Ashgate/ Variorum, 2010).

57. Dennis Cosgrove, “Mapping New Worlds: Culture and Cartography in Sixteenth-Century Venice,” Imago Mundi 44 (1992): 65–89; David Woodward, “The Italian Map Trade, 1480–1650,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 1, 773–801. On map printing techniques, see Woodward, “Techniques of Map Engraving, Printing, and Coloring in the European Renaissance,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 1, 591–610. On the circulation of textual informa-tion, where print did not necessarily play such a revolutionary role, see Mario Infelise, Prima dei giornali. Alle origini della pubblica informazione, secoli XVI e XVII (Rome: Laterza, 2002); and Filippo De Vivo, Information and Communication in Venice: Rethinking Early Modern Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).

58. Horodowich, The Venetian Discovery of America. The towering figure in this regard was Ramusio, with whom Gastaldi cooperated, producing maps during the 1550s to go with the Navigazioni e Viaggi: see Marica Milanesi, Tolomeo sostituito. Studi di storia delle conoscenze geografiche nel XVI secolo (Milan: Unicopli, 1984); Jerome Barnes, “Giovanni Battista Ramusio and the History of Discoveries: An Analysis of Ramusio’s Commentary, Cartography, and Imagery in Delle Navigationi et Viaggi” (PhD diss., University of Texas at Arlington, 2007).

59. Sonja Brentjes, “Immediacy, Mediation, and Media in Early Modern Catholic and Protestant Representations of Safavid Iran,” Journal of Early Modern History 13, no. 2 (2009): 173–207, here p. 186.

60. Mark Rosen, The Mapping of Power in Renaissance Italy: Painted Cartographic Cycles in Social and Intellectual Context (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 71–73. The classic studies are Rodolfo Gallo, “La mappa dell’Asia della Sala dello Scudo nel Palazzo Ducale e il Milione di Marco Polo,” in Nel VII Centenario della nascita di Marco Polo, ed. Roberto Almagià (Venice: Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 1955), 195–231, and A. E. Nordenskiöld, “The Influence of the ‘Travels of Marco Polo’ on Jacopo Gastaldi’s Maps of Asia,” Geographical Journal 13, no. 4 (1899): 396–406.

61. The Red Sea appears to be mentioned in one source regarding the map commissioned in 1549, and one would assume that the Persian Gulf was thus also present. But the Caspian may have been too far north to be covered in the frame chosen. The second map made by Gastaldi for the Sala dello Scudo, commissioned in 1553, seems to have started just east of Persia, covering the rest of Asia and North America. It survives, despite having been heavily overpainted in the eighteenth century.

62. On “filling in” the outlines of a continent see Francesc Relaño, The Shaping of Africa: Cosmographic Discourse and Cartographic Science in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002).

63. Woodward, “The Italian Map Trade,” 783.

64. A slight distortion of the oval seems to have led Brentjes to venture that an uniden-tified portolan chart might have served as a model: Brentjes, “Immediacy, Mediation, and Media,” 186.

65. Couto et al., Atlas historique du golfe Persique, 98–107.

66. Agnese’s map (Washington DC, Library of Congress, G1001.A4 1544, Battista Agnese, “Portolan atlas of nine charts and a world map, etc.,” fols. 5v–6) is published in Couto et al., Atlas historique du golfe Persique, 110–11.

67. This suggests that a cultural and social history of line design in maps would be a desideratum. On lines in general, see Tim Ingold, Lines: A Brief History (London: Routledge, 2007).

68. The Vespucci map (New York, Hispanic Society of America, MS K 42, “Planisphere by Juan Vespucci,” 1526) is published in Couto et al., Atlas historique du golfe Persique, 100–101.

69. Woodward, “Techniques of Map Engraving,” 608.

70. Rosen, The Mapping of Power, 71–73.

71. On etching and engraving, see Woodward, “Techniques of Map Engraving,” 596 and 599–600 on lines in particular.

72. Ernst H. Gombrich, Art and Illusion: A Study in the Psychology of Pictorial Representation, 6th ed. (London/New York: Phaidon, 2002).

73. The expression is taken from Horodowich, The Venetian Discovery of America, 92, which applies it to Venetian cartography in general.

74. Tony Campbell, “Egerton MS 1513: A Remarkable Display of Cartographical Invention,” Imago Mundi 48, no. 1 (1996): 93–102, here p. 98, in a study of a sixteenth-century Normandy map containing a detailed representation of an imagined southern continent.

75. Ibid.

76. Ibid., 99.

77. Martin Jay, “Scopic Regimes of Modernity,” in Vision and Visuality, ed. Hal Foster (Seattle: Bay Press, 1988), 3–23, especially p. 16.

78. Corradino Astengo, “The Renaissance Chart Tradition in the Mediterranean,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 1, 174–237, here p. 214.

79. Ibid.

80. Whether this proves or disproves Bruno Latour’s argument regarding the ability of print maps in particular to function synthetically and merge information from diverse sources, would require a separate discussion. See Bruno Latour, “Drawing Things Together,” in Representation in Scientific Practice, ed. Michael Lynch and Steve Woolgar (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1990), 19–68, here p. 56.

81. Brentjes, “Immediacy, Mediation, and Media,” 186–87.

82. Sonja Brentjes, “The Representation of Iran in Western Maps from 1300 to 1840,” Archives internationales d’histoire des sciences 60, no. 165 (2010): 457–76; Fuat Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums, vol. 10, Mathematische Geographie und Kartographie im Islam und ihr Fortleben im Abendland. Historische Darstellung, part 1 (Frankfurt-am-Main: Institut für Geschichte der Arabisch-Islamischen Wissenschaften an der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität, 2000), 397.

83. Brentjes, “Immediacy, Mediation, and Media,” 186.

84. Ilona Katzew, Casta Painting: Images of Race in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004); Yukio Lippit, “Japan’s Southern Barbarian Screens,” in Encompassing the Globe: Portugal and the World in the 16th and 17th Centuries, ed. Jay Levenson (Washington: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, 2007), 343–53. See also, on the Codex Casanatense made in Goa around the middle of the sixteenth century, the recent dossier coordinated by Ernst van den Boogaart, “The Codex Casanatense 1889: Open Questions and New Perspectives,” special issue, Anais de História de Além-Mar 13 (2012).

85. On this “classical moment,” see the references in Biedermann, “Imperial Reflections,” 44 –47.

86. Susana Biadene, ed., Carte da navigar. Portolani e carte nautiche del Museo Correr 1318–1732 (Venice: Marsilio, 1990), in particular Ugo Tucci, “La carta nautica,” 9–19. See also Leo Bagrow, ed., History of Cartography (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), 105–106 and 118; Astengo, “The Renaissance Chart Tradition.”

87. Marica Milanesi, “La cartografia italiana nel medioevo e nel rinascimento,” in La car-tografia Italiana. 3er curs: 17, 18, 19, 20 i 21 de febrer de 1992 (Barcelona: Institut cartogràfic de Catalunya, 1993), 15–80, especially pp. 52 and 55.

88. Cosgrove, “Mapping New Worlds,” 69.

89. On the reception of Ptolemy, see Zur Shalev and Charles Burnett, eds., Ptolemy’s “Geography” in the Renaissance (London: Warburg Institute/Nino Aragno, 2011). Note the more critical stance in Patrick Gautier Dalché, “The Reception of Ptolemy’s Geography (End of the Fourteenth to Beginning of the Sixteenth Century),” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 1, 285–364, especially pp. 333–32.

90. Juergen Schulz, “Jacopo de’ Barbari’s View of Venice: Map Making, City Views, and Moralized Geography before the Year 1500,” Art Bulletin 60, no. 3 (1978): 425–74; Angelo Cattaneo, Fra Mauro’s Mappa Mundi and Fifteenth-Century Venice (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011).

91. Cosgrove, “Mapping New Worlds,” 68 and 70. On the much-debated contrast between Dutch “descriptive” and Italian “narrative” painting, see Svetlana Alpers, The Art of Describing: Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983).

92. On the logic of “updating” Ptolemy on maps, see Relaño, The Shaping of Africa, as well as Jean-Marc Besse, Les grandeurs de la terre. Aspects du savoir géographique à la Renaissance (Lyon: ENS Éditions, 2003).

93. Woodward, “The Italian Map Trade,” 787.

94. Ibid., 790.

95. Cosgrove, “Mapping New Worlds,” 69.

96. Woodward, “The Italian Map Trade,” 787.

97. Ibid., 790 (emphasis in the original).

98. Ibid., 788.

99. On the links between the rhetoric of novelty and the transition to print culture, see Ezio Ornato, “Les conditions de production et de diffusion du livre médiéval (xiii^e–xv^e siècles). Quelques considérations générales,” in La face cachée du livre médiéval. L’histoire du livre vue par Ezio Ornato, ses amis, ses collègues, ed. Ezio Ornato (Rome: Viella, 1997), 97–116.

100. Woodward, “The Italian Map Trade,” 790.

101. On the atlas as a cartographical form, see James Akerman, “On the Shoulders of a Titan: Viewing the World of the Past in Atlas Structure” (PhD diss., Pennsylvania State University, 1991); Georges Didi-Huberman, Atlas, or The Anxious Gay Science [2011], trans. Shane Lillis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2018); Jean-Marc Besse, Face au monde : atlas, jardins, géoramas (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 2003).

102. On “grain” see note 24 above.

103. Woodward, “The Italian Map Trade,” 784.

104. Peter H. Meurer, Fontes cartographici Orteliani. Das “Theatrum orbis terrarum” von Abraham Ortelius und seine Kartenquellen (Weinheim: VCH, 1991), 71.

105. Cornelis Koeman et al., “Commercial Cartography and Map Production in the Low Countries, 1500–ca. 1672,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 2, 1296–383; Kees Zandvliet, “Mapping the Dutch World Overseas in the Seventeenth Century,” in Harley and Woodward, The History of Cartography, vol. 3, part 2, 1433–62.

106. For some of the challenges that may have played a role, see Woodward, “Techniques of Map Engraving,” 608.

107. Despite being the object of a magisterial article in 1956, not much has since been said about these designs: Bagrow, “Italians on the Caspian.”

108. London, British Library, Map Collections, Egerton MS 73, “Cornaro Atlas,” 1489–1492; London, British Library, Egerton MS 2803, “Atlas of Portolan Charts,” 1508–1510.

109. On this manuscript, Tony Campbell, “A Note on the Cornaro Atlas,” Map History/ History of Cartography, 2011, www.maphistory.info/PortolanAttributions.html#cornaro.

110. Two of these volumes survive at the Biblioteca Teresiana in Mantua (MS 646) and the National Maritime Museum in Greenwich, London (P/36). On the Freduccis, see Astengo, “The Renaissance Chart Tradition,” 220–21.

111. Campbell, “Egerton MS 1513,” 99.

112. Burke, A Social History of Knowledge.

113. Erich Woldan, “A Circular, Copper-Engraved, Medieval World Map,” Imago Mundi 11, no. 1 (1954): 12–16.

114. Rosen, The Mapping of Power, 79–89.

115. Ortelius had dedicated his Theatrum to this king in 1570, and the monarch’s chief erudite geographer, Benito Arias Montano, had corresponded with the Antwerpian printer about improving certain maps.