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From Capital to Colony: Five New Inscriptions from Roman Crete1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 September 2013

M. W. Baldwin Bowsky
Affiliation:
University of the Pacific Stockton, California, USA

Abstract

This article present and contextualises five new inscriptions from central Crete: one from the hinterland of Gortyn, two from Knossos, and two more in all likelihood from Knossos. Internal geographical mobility from Gortyn to Knossos is illustrated by a Greek inscription from the hinterland of Gortyn. The Knossian inscriptions add new evidence for the local affairs of the Roman colony. A funerary or honorary inscription and two religious dedications – all three in Latin – give rise to new points concerning the well-attested link between Knossos and Campania. The colony's population included people, many of Campanian origin, who were already established in Crete, as well as families displaced from southern Italy in the great post-Actium settlement. The two religious dedications shed light on the city's religious practice, including a newly revealed cult of Castor, and further evidence for worship of the Egyptian gods. Oddest of all, a Greek inscription on a Doric epistyle names Trajan or Hadrian. These four inscriptions are then set into the context of linguistic choice at the colony. Epigraphic and numismatic evidence for the use of Latin and Greek in the life of the colony is analyzed on the basis of the available inscriptions, listed by category and date in an appendix.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 2006

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129 Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 105 no. 98.

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149 Lagogianni-Georgakarakos 108–9 no. 105.

150 Sporn 169; Κρἠτη—Αἴγυπτος, 438–40 no. 508 α—β, cf. 441 no. 510, also from the temple of the Egyptian Divinities; Di Vita (n. 27), 236–42. Melfi suggests a Trajanic date for the reconstruction of both the Odeion and the temple of the Egyptian Deities.

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157 Dunand 74–9, 205, 211; cf. Machaira 248.

158 Sporn 339; Machaira 249.

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160 Takács 30; Vidman 98–9.

161 Doia L. f. Procilla: I. Cret. iv 290Google Scholar. Doius: RPC, i. 239 nos. 988–9.

162 Fufius: I. Cret. i. 22Google Scholar. 35 from Olous; RPC, i. 236 no. 976 at Knossos. Volumnius: I. Cret. ii. 11. 3Google Scholar; RPC, i. 239 nos. 1005–8.

163 Olous: I. Cret. i. 22Google Scholar. 11. Kisamos: Chaniotis (n. 106), 80–1 nn. 443 and 451, 179.

164 Lagogianni-Georgakarakos, 108–9 no. 105 esp. n.4.

165 Rizakis, A. D., ‘La littérature gromatique et la colonisation romaine en Orient’, in Salmeri, G., Raggi, A., and Baroni, A. (eds.), Colonie romane nel mondo greco (Rome, 2004), 81–3Google Scholar; cf. Bowsky, M. W. Baldwin, ‘From piracy to privileged status: Lappa (Crete) and the Romans’, in Acta XII Congressus Epigraphiae Graecae et Latinae (forthcoming)Google Scholar.

166 Baldwin Bowsky,‘Colonia lulia Nobilis Cnosus’.

167 Ead., ‘Reasons to reorganize’, 40.

168 Keppie, L., The Making of the Roman Army from Republic to Empire (Totowa, NJ, 1984), 129Google Scholar, cf. 67, 76–7, 82.

169 Takács 38.

170 Ibid., 34.

171 Vidman 97.

172 Ibid.; Takács 5–6.

173 Takács 34, 51.

174 Lower Gypsades: Coldstream, , Sanctuary of Demeter, 186Google Scholar.

175 Knossos Survey, 23 and 40 no. 76.

176 Ibid., 44 no. 136; Paton, , ‘Knossos’, 453Google Scholar, comparing Dunbabin, K., ‘Ipsa deae vestigia: footprints divine and human on Graeco-Roman monuments’, JRA 3 (1990), 85109Google Scholar, for cult objects associated with the worship of the Egyptian gods.

177 Davaras, and Masson, , ‘Cretica’, 401Google Scholar (Δισανθίς) cf. LGPN, i. 141Google Scholar s.v. Δισανθίς.

178 Inv. nos. 402–3: Chaniotis, and Preuss, , ‘Neue Fragmente’, 196–7Google Scholar no. 11, 190–1 no. 2. Inv. no. 407: ibid., 193–4 no. 6.

179 Sanders, , Roman Crete, 59, 63, 84–7Google Scholar; cf. Bowsky, M. W. Baldwin, ‘Eight inscriptions from Roman Crete’, ZPE 108 (1995), 263–7 no. 1Google Scholar, from Hierapytna.

180 Sanders, , Roman Crete, 61Google Scholar; Halbherr, F., ‘Iscrizioni cretesi’, Mus. Ital. 3 (1888), 670 nos. 77, 78Google Scholar; I. Cret. i. 18Google Scholar. 44 (naming Hadrian) and 49 (naming a proconsul of lst–2nd c. date, possibly Domitianic or Trajanic). At the time of Chaniotis’ cataloguing, a Lyttian provenance would surely have been noted, given his knowledge of the inscriptions of Lyttos and the excavations of G. Rethemiotakis. Cf. Rethemiotakis, G., “Ανασκαφικἠ ἔρευνα στη Λυτ́το”, Λúκτος, 1 (1984), 4964Google Scholar.

181 Coldstream, , Sanctuary of Demeter, 1314Google Scholar; Knossos Survey, 57 no. 302.

182 Coldstream, , Sanctuary of Demeter, 186 cf. 182Google Scholar.

183 Coldstream, , Sanctuary of Demeter, 186Google Scholar.

184 Knossos Survey, 20 and 45 no. 145.

185 Ibid., 20.

186 Decree of the kosmoi referring to a pastas: Davaras, and Masson, , ‘Cretica’, 401Google Scholar, with a Roman date; Perlman, ‘Inscriptions’; Chaniotis, A., ‘Kretische Inschriften’, Tekmeria, 1 (1995), 31–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar with a Hellenistic date. Fragment of Diocletian's Price Edict: Knossos Survey, 44 no. 136; Chaniotis, and Preuss, , ‘Neue Fragmente’, 193 no. 5Google Scholar.

187 Perlman, ‘Inscriptions’, no. 2; Chaniotis (n. 186), 31–2.

188 Perlman, loc cit.; citing Bousquet, J., ‘Le temple d'Aphrodite et d'Arès à Sta Lenikà (Crète orientale)’, BCH 62 (1938), 389–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

189 Perlman, loc. cit; no. 2, citing Knossos Survey, 44 no. 136; cf. Sporn 126.

190 Knossos Survey, 44 no. 132 = Vermeule (n. 86), 21, 25 inv. no. 315, citing Ashmole, B., ‘The so-called “Sardanapalus”’, BSA 13 (19191921), 83–4Google Scholar; Alexiou (n. 83), 133 inv. no. 315; Reinach, S., Répertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine (Paris, 1930), vi. 26 no. 3Google Scholar.

191 Ashmole, loc. cit.

192 S. Paton (pers. comm.).

193 Ead. (pers. comm.).

194 Cf. Woolf (n. 109), 78.

195 Triglyph block: Knossos Survey, 41 no. 87. Stoa: ibid., 40–1 nos. 85–6.

196 Ibid., 23, citing I. Cret. i. 8. 49Google Scholar; 40–1 no. 85–6; Paton, , ‘Roman Knossos’, 147Google Scholar; cf. Bowsky, M. W. Baldwin, ‘Roman arbitration in central Crete: an Augustan proconsul and a Neronian procurator’, CJ 82 (1987), 225–6Google Scholar.

197 Rizakis, , Patras, 57Google Scholar.

198 Akades: I Cret. i. 5. 9Google Scholar. Lyttos: I. Cret. i. 18. 24–6Google Scholar, 31, 34, 37–8. Gortyn: I. Cret. iv. 438Google Scholar.

199 Lyttos: I. Cret. i. 18. 40–3Google Scholar; I. Cret. i. 18. 44Google Scholar. Rhytion: I. Cret. i. 29. 1Google Scholar. Diktynnaion: I. Cret. ii. 11. 5Google Scholar. Lappa: I. Cret. i. 16. 13Google Scholar. Gortyn: I. Cret. iv. 275Google Scholar.

200 I. Cret. iv. 332Google Scholar.

201 Sanders, , Roman Crete, 69Google Scholar.

202 Guarducci on M1, citing Falkener (n. 97), 25.

203 Bowsky, Baldwin, ‘Business’, 315–16Google Scholar; ead., ‘Reasons to reorganize’, 26–8.

204 Paton, (pers. comm.); ead., ‘Knossos’, 452Google Scholar.

205 Bowsky, Baldwin, ‘Colonia Iulia Nobilis Cnosus’, 77Google Scholar.

206 Cf. Leiwo 8.

207 Bowsky, Baldwin, ‘Reasons to reorganize’, 27Google Scholar.

208 Granius: I. Cret. iv. 216Google Scholar; i. 17. 17–18; E3. Antonius: I. Cret. ivGoogle Scholar. 221A; i. 23. 6A; Bowsky, Baldwin, ‘Gortynians’, 99105Google Scholar; RPC, i. 236 no. 977. Iulius: I. Cret. iv 246Google ScholarRPC, i. 237 no. 978.

209 Coldstream, , Sanctuary of Demeter, 167 no. 292Google Scholar; RPC, i. 237 no. 980.

210 Baldwin Bowsky, ‘Of two tongues’; cf. Leiwo esp. 56–7. This discussion is based upon, expanded and refined from that given in Baldwin Bowsky, ‘Of two tongues’, which took account only of inscriptions—Latin or Greek—that recorded Roman names for individuals attested in the epigraphic record of Knossos.

211 Cf. ibid. for an analysis of such inscriptions when they contain Roman names.

212 Cf. Corinth, viii 3. 18Google Scholar.

213 Bowsky, Baldwin, ‘Of two tongues’, 97Google Scholar.

214 Corinth: Corinth, viii. 3. 17Google Scholar. Pisidian Antioch and Philippi: Levick 133, 161. Patras: Rizakis, , Patras, esp. 55, fig. 5Google Scholar.

215 Bowsky, Baldwin, ‘Of two tongues’, 101Google Scholar.

216 Corinth: Corinth, viii. 3. 1819Google Scholar. Patras: Rizakis, , Patras, 55Google Scholar, fig. 5. Pisidian Antioch: Levick 144.

217 Leiwo passim.

218 See Baldwin Bowsky, ‘Of two tongues’, for a full discussion of this phenomenon.

219 Paton, S., ‘A Roman Corinthian Building at Knossos’, BSA 86 (1991), 297318Google Scholar; S. Paton (pers. comm.).

220 Corinth, viii. 3. 187Google Scholar; Levick 134–5; Rizakis, , Patras, 54Google Scholar.

221 C.I.N.C. ex D.D.: RPC, i. 236 no. 976. IIviri ex D.D.: RPC, i., no. 977; 237 no. 980. C.N.I.Cnos. exD.D.: RPC, i. 237 no. 978. D.D. RPC, i. 237, nos. 982, 985. ΔΔ: RPC, i. 237 no. 980. D.D.: RPC, i. 237 nos. 986, 998; 1009. Quaestura, aedilitas, et IIviratus d.d.: D3.

222 See Cébeillac-Gervasoni (n. 49), 32–3 for ἄρχων as a Greek term designating a duumvir.

223 Levick 133, 137–8.

224 RPC, i. 3.

225 RPC, i. 3–4.

226 Corinth, viii. 3, 24Google Scholar.

227 RPC, i. 236 nos. 976–7.

228 RPC i. 272 nos. 981, 986, 987.

229 Bowsky, Baldwin, ‘Of two tongues’, 137Google Scholar.

230 Ibid., 98–9.

231 Baldwin Bowsky, ‘Of two tongues’, cf. Leiwo 165.

232 The number of Latin honorary inscriptions increases from two to four when we add D2, 5. The highly individualistic genre of inscriptions concerning cults and religion shows not one but three examples when we incorporate G4–5. Inscriptions pertaining to land ownership are likewise multiplied when we take account of H1–2. Latin inscriptions without Roman names belong to additional, more prestigious epigraphical genres, from a strigil possibly owned by a victorious athlete (J1) to imperial inscriptions of unknown type (K1–3), imperial dedications (L1–3), architectural dedications (M1–3), inscriptions concerning local transit and communication (N1–3), and imperial edicts (O1–6). J1 is a strigil inscribed with a personal name in the nominative case. Roman stamped strigils have also been found at Agios Nikolaos: Kotera-Feyer, E., Die Strigilis (Frankfurt, 1993), 109Google Scholar, citing Davaras, C., ‘Das Grab eines kretischen Wettkampfsiegers’, Stadion, 5 (1979), 157Google Scholar and A. Eph. 1985, 196–7, 213–18Google Scholar, cf. A. Delt. 33 (1978), 386–7Google Scholar. New examples have come to light in the Stavros cemetery of Agios Nikolaos, together with a mid-1st-c. BC coin: S. Apostolakou (pers. comm.). Davaras argues that such strigils are often inscribed with the name of the owner, an athlete who had won the strigil as a prize (A. Eph. 1985, 215–16Google Scholar). Unfortunately none of these stamped Roman strigils from Agios Nikolaos have been read—if they even contain names—and so cannot be used to compare case usage with the nominative found on the Knossian strigil.

233 One inscription of unknown type can be added to the two that attested Roman names (C2). In the highly personal category of inscriptions concerning cults and religion, the five that record Roman names in Greek are joined by five more that do not (G2, 7, 9, 12, 13). Greek is the language chosen for four inscriptions that record an artisan's signature, imperial inscriptions of unknown type, imperial dedications, and architectural dedications (F1, K4, L4, M4).

234 Some epigraphical genres are represented solely by Latin texts, whether because they are single examples (B1, J1), inscriptions concerning transit and communications (N1–3), or imperial edicts (O1–6). One public, honorary inscription is in Greek rather than Latin (D1–3 and D5 in Latin; D4 in Greek), while imperial inscriptions of unknown type are far more likely to utilize Latin than Greek (K1–3 in Latin; K4 in Greek). Architectural dedications are likewise far more likely to utilize Latin than Greek (M1–3 in Latin; M4 in Greek). Two inscriptions concerning land ownership are in Greek rather than Latin, but they appear to name the same Roman villa-owner (H1–3 in Latin; H4–5 in Greek).

235 Four Greek simple funerary texts should be categorized together with the four Latin texts listed in Appendix 1 (A1–2, 4–5 in Latin; A3, 6, 7 in Greek). Inscriptions pertaining to the local ceramics industry are slightly more likely to utilize Greek than Latin (I1, 4–5 in Latin; 2–3, 6–7 in Greek).

236 Cf. Bowsky, Baldwin, ‘Of two tongues’, 138Google Scholar. The signs of Greek linguistic influence that were visible in inscriptions recording Roman names were limited to the onomastic formula utilized in D3 and I4, and in legends on colonial coins (ibid.). Including inscriptions that do not contain Roman names, or no longer do, brings into focus inscriptions that follow Latinate onomastic formulae (C1), case usage (G4), and syntax (D5).

237 Three inscriptions of unknown type—possibly funerary or else honorary—are in Greek rather than Latin (C1 in Latin; C2–4 in Greek). A total of ten inscriptions concerning cults and religion utilize the Greek language for personal dedications (G4–5, 11 in Latin; G1–3, 6–10, 12–13 in Latin). Inscriptions on small statuettes and an artisan's signature use only Greek (E1–3, F1).

238 Abbreviated praenomina and even nomina are visible in inscriptions ranging from the most private to the most individualistic genres: simple funerary inscriptions (A3, 7), honorary inscriptions (D4), small statuettes (E2–3); and inscriptions concerning cults and religion (G10). In D4 a second nomen is recorded in the place of a cognomen or Greek personal name, and in G6 the name of a slave's owner is expressed in the Latin fashion. In yet another inscription concerning cults and religion a second nomen is again recorded in the place of a cognomen or Greek personal name (G8). Latin norms of orthography are violated in inscriptions that range from simple funerary (A7), to religious (G3), to ceramic (I3). Greek patronymics rather than Latin-style filiation are recorded in a simple funerary inscription (A6), an honorary inscription (D4), and on a small statuette (E1). Most telling of all is the appearance of a Greek term for the Roman institution of the duumvirate in E2, where the praenomen and nomen had been abbreviated.

239 Latin continued to be the language of choice in honorary inscriptions of the 1st–2nd c, 2nd c, and broadly imperial period (D1–3, 5). Ceramics inscriptions in Latin belonged to the 1st to 2nd centuries (I1, 4–5). Simple funerary inscriptions in Latin were of the 1st c. BC to 1st c. AD, 2nd c, early imperial, or imperial date (A1, 2, 4–5).

240 Imperial inscriptions of unknown type (K2–3), inscriptions concerning transit and communication (N2–3), and imperial edicts (O1–6).

241 Paton (pers. comm.), cf. AR 1995–6, 41–2; text not available.

242 Inscriptions concerning cults and religion are in Greek from the 1st c. BC to the 2nd c. AD and imperial period (G1–3, 6–10, 12–13). Simple funerary texts (A3, 6, 7), inscriptions of unknown type, inscriptions on ceramics, an artisan's signature, and inscriptions on small statuettes are in Greek in the 1st and 2nd cc., as well as the early imperial and imperial period. Three inscriptions of unknown type date to the 1st c, early imperial and imperial periods (C2–4). Greek inscriptions appear on ceramics of the 1st and 2nd cc., and the imperial period (I2–3, 6–7). An artisan's signature on a marble statue is of 1st c. date (F1), while the inscriptions on three small statuettes can be dated to the 1st c. and the early imperial period (E1–3)

243 An honorary inscription (D4), an imperial dedication (L4), and an architectural dedication (M4), all in the 2nd c. In the imperial period two inscriptions relevant to land ownership appear to name a Roman owner in Greek (H4–5), and one imperial dedication of unknown type is also in Greek (K4).

244 Compare Levick vii, 137–44.

245 Corinth: under Hadrian, (Corinth, viii. 3. 19)Google Scholar. Patras: beginning in the 2nd c. (Rizakis, , Patras, 54Google Scholar). Antioch: between the time of L. Verus and 297, when the city became a metropolis rather than a colony (Levick 136, 138). Philippi: until Gallienus (ibid., 161).

246 RPC, i. 249–57 for Corinth; 258–62 for Patras.

247 One other Greek official inscription cannot be dated more precisely than to the early imperial period (E2).