¹ Individuals too numerous to name helped bring this study to fruition. I wish to thank them all for their help. In particular I must mention Pierre and Theodora MacKay, he for constant advise and guidance in all aspects of the topic, she for expert opinion on the ceramic material. I alone, however, am responsible for the use to which their help has been put. In part my work was funded by a Fulbright research grant. Special abbreviations used in this work:

KvA sheets 1–26 = Curtius, E. and Kaupert, J. (eds), Karten von Attica (Berlin, 1881–1890)Google Scholar, scale 1: 25,000

Lock 1986 = Lock, P. W., ‘The Frankish towers of central Greece’, BSA 81 (1986), 101–23Google Scholar

Lock 1987 = id., ‘The Frankish tower on the Acropolis, Athens: the photographs of William J. Stillman’, BSA 82 (1987), 131–3

Lock 1989 = id., ‘The medieval towers of Greece: a problem of chronology and function’, MHR 4 (1989), 129–45

Text, i–ix = Milchhoefer, A., Karten von Attika, erläuternder Text (Berlin, 1881–1900)Google Scholar

TIB i = Koder, J. and Hild, F., Tabula Imperii Byzantini, i: Hellas und Thessalia (Vienna, 1976)Google Scholar

Travlos = Travlos, J., Bildlexikon zur Topographie des antiken Attika (Tübingen, 1988)Google Scholar

² Lock 1986; 1987; 1989.

³ Study of the medieval and Turkish Akropolis has got off to a good start with the publication by Tasos Tanoulas of part of his research, ‘The Propylaia since the seventeenth century’, JdI 102 (1987), 413–83. More is promised.

⁴ This is especially true of the great German topographer A. Milchhoefer. His Text can generally be counted on for brief comments on medieval remains in Attica wherever they occur. Many of the towers are also marked on the sheets of KvA.

⁵ Areas of Attica not covered by KvA are shown on the Übersichtskarte von Attika (Berlin, 1889), scale 1: 100,000.

⁶ A. Delt. 16 (1960), Chr. 52–4; for an earlier notice see Frazer, J. G., Pausanias's Description of Greece, ii (London, 1898), 503 and v. 535–6.Google Scholar The original excavation of Philios, D., PAE 1892, 32–3Google Scholar, established that there was no predecessor to the medieval tower. The tower has made it onto Lock's most recent map of medieval towers sites: Lock 1989, 144.

⁷ Kourouniotis, K. and Travlos, J., PAE 1936, 33–4.Google Scholar A good view of the hill and its setting may be seen in Travlos, 188, fig. 239.

⁸ The peninsula has in the past been known by a variety of other names, including Keratsinopyrgos and Pyritidapothiki:Fourikis, P., Athena, 41 (1929), 87Google Scholar; and Kleftopyrgos:Dodwell, E., A Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece during the Years 1801, 1805, and 1806, i (London, 1819), 587.Google Scholar

⁹ See Grèce (Les Guides bleus; Paris, 1935), 148; Chioteles, A., s.v. Κερατόπυργος, in Μεγάλη ἑλληνιϰὴ ἐγϰυϰλοπαιδεία (Athens, n.d.), xxxii. 268Google Scholar, where the tower is described as circular. My informant about the taverna was an official with the harbour authority of Peiraieus who accompanied me on a visit to the hill in 1988.

¹⁰ Stark, A., Griechenland, i: Athen und Attika (Wien and Leipzig, 1911), 173, fig. 199.Google Scholar

¹¹ Fourikis, P., Athena, 41 (1929), 87Google Scholar; Bires, K., Αἱ τοπωνυμίαι τῆς πόλεως ϰαὶ τῶν περιχωρῶν τῶν Ἀθηνῶν (Athens, 1971), 50Google Scholar, s.v. Κερατόπυργος.

¹² The earliest mention of these towers and the chain is that of Galan, D.: see Cautiverio y trabajos de Diego Galan, natural de Consuegra y vecino de Toledo, 1589 a 1600 (Madrid, 1913), 128.Google Scholar Galan's visit to Peiraieus was in 1593. A few years later they are mentioned by F. Arnaud: see Omont, H., ‘Voyage à Athènes, Constantinople et Jerusalem de François Arnaud (1602–1605)’, in Florilegium: ou recueil de travaux d'érudition dédiés à Monsieur le marquis Melchior de Vogüé (Paris, 1909), 471.Google Scholar This entrance was also apparently closed with a chain in antiquity, but details of the arrangement are not known. For the ancient references see Garland, R., The Piraeus (Ithaca, NY, 1987), 182, note to 29.Google Scholar

¹³ These details about the towers of Kantharos and Zea are convincingly extrapolated from a 17th-cent. map of Peiraieus published by Sophou, E., ‘Χάρτης τοῦ Πειραιῶς συνταχθεὶς τὸ 1687 ὑπὸ τῶν Ἐνετῶν’, Arch. Eph. 1973, 246–58, esp. 251–2.Google Scholar The map is reproduced in Travlos, 348, fig. 428.

¹⁴ For a full discussion of the chain across the Golden Horn see Guilland, R., ‘La chaîne de la Corne d'Or’, Epet. 25 (1955), 88–120Google Scholar, reprinted in Études de topographie de Constantinople byzantine, ii (Berlin and Amsterdam, 1969), 121–46.

¹⁵ Text, ii. 1; E. Kirsten, appendix to Philippson, A., Die griechischen Landschaften, i: Der Nordosten der griechischen Halbinsel, 3: Attika und Megans (Frankfurt, 1952), 1047–8 n. 62.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Archives des missions scientifiques et littéraires, 3 (1866), 125–6.

¹⁷ Lolling, , AM 4 (1879), 359Google Scholar; Milchhoefer, , Text, iii. 9Google Scholar, Theochares, , Epet. 23 (1953), 631–2.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Fortified Military Camps in Attica (Hesp. supp. 11; Princeton, 1966), 45.

¹⁹ Text, ix. 8.

²⁰ Photiou, K., Η τετράπολη τον Μαραθώνα (Athens, 1982), 50.Google Scholar

²¹ This tower receives passing notice in Text, ix. 6.

²² Lock 1986, 112; Text, ix. 9.

²³ Buchon, J.-A., La Grèce continentale et la Morée (Paris 1843), 192–3.Google Scholar

²⁴ Text, iii. 59.

²⁵ Text, iii. 60.

²⁶ Ὀστραϰα ἐϰ Δεϰέλειας (Athens, 1959), 16.

²⁷ Gell, W., The Itinerary of Greece (London, 1827), 23.Google Scholar

²⁸ Both are mentioned in the same sentence in Text, vii. 6.

²⁹ The tower lay close to a number of ancient structures that provided material for its construction: cf. Travlos, 217–18.

³⁰ Schaub, C., Excursion en Grèce au printemps de 1862 (Geneva, 1863), 56.Google Scholar

³¹ In the 19th cent. the medieval lower was fully preserved and served primarily for grain storage: Ow, J., Aufzeichnungen eines Junkers am Hofe zu Athen, ii (Leipzig, 1854), 119.Google Scholar

³² Hesp. 35 (1966), 93–106, esp. 94–6.

³³ A. Delt. (1978), Chr. 56.

³⁴ Text, iii. 58. Milchhoefer's comment about the nearby height Pirgarti (‘wohl von einer Thurmruine benannt’) is speculation rather than a reference to the tower known to the mapmakers.

³⁵ Tsifopoulou-Gini, E., ‘Παλαιοχριστιανιϰή βασιλιϰή στη θέση Μυγδαλέζα Αττιϰής’, Arch. Eph. 1980, 85–96.Google Scholar

³⁶ Gell (n. 27), 106; Buchon (n. 23), 181.

³⁷ Leake, W., Travels in Northern Greece, ii (London, 1835), 428Google Scholar; Lee, J., Nature and Art in the Old World: Or Sketches of Travel in Europe and the Orient (Cincinnati, 1871), 333.Google Scholar

³⁸ See Tsigakou, F.-M., James Skene: Monuments and Views of Greece 1838–1845 (Athens, 1985), no. 23.Google Scholar

³⁹ Leake (n. 37), 427–8. For the place-name, cf. Bires (n. 11), 62–3.

⁴⁰ Gell (n. 27), 69.

⁴¹ Society of Dilettanti, The Unedited Antiquities of Attica (London, 1817), pls 4–6Google Scholar; Williams, H. W., Select Views in Greece, i (London, 1829), pl. 14.Google Scholar Discrepancies between these views and that of du Moncel, Th., Excursion par terre d'Athènes à Nauplie (Paris, 1845), pl. 3Google Scholar, which shows the tower greatly reduced in height and with a pointed roof, could mean that in mid-century the tower underwent structural changes and was reinhabited.

⁴² One account, Arnold, R., From the Levant, i (London, 1868), 168Google Scholar, goes so far as to describe Eleusis as ‘a village in which there is no house having a second floor’. This echoes the description of Hobhouse, J., A Journey through Albania and Other Provinces of Turkey in Europe, to Constantinople during the Years 1809–1810 (London, 1813), 375Google Scholar, who adds supplementary information: ‘Eleusis is a miserable village of 30 mud cottages, beside which is one high square house or tower, the occasional residence of a Turk, who superintends the peasants’. It is not clear from Hobhouse's account whether the tower he refers to is 1 or 26 of this catalogue.

⁴³ The tower is noted and the gravestone published by Vanderpool, E., Hesp. 22 (1953), 175–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar = SEG xii. 178. Travlos does not mention the tower in his account of the excavation of the bridge in PAE 1950, 122–7, but does note it in his Attic dictionary: Travlos, 178.

⁴⁴ IG ii² 6596, cut on one of the larger blocks used in the tower, gives the man's identity.

⁴⁵ Philios, D., PAE 1892, 35–41.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Threpsiades, J., Arch. Eph. 1973, 81.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Leake, W. M., The Demi of Attica (London, 1841), 143Google Scholar; Text, ii. 14.

⁴⁸ Stademann, F., Panorama von Athen (Munich, 1841), pl. 8 no. 7.Google Scholar The view agrees well with the slightly earlier account of E. Dodwell (n. 8), 412, which mentions towers scattered throughout the shady spots of the Academy.

⁴⁹ Stademann, ibid. pl. 8, no. 8.

⁵⁰ Damer, M. Dawson, Diary of a Tour in Greece, Turkey, Egypt and the Holy Land, i (London, 1841), 46–7.Google Scholar Dawson Damer credits her account of the tower to the narrative of an unidentified ‘George R—’.

⁵¹ The tower is described by Bartholdy, J. L. S., Voyage en Grèce fait dans les années 1803 et 1804, i (Paris, 1807), 226–7.Google Scholar The tower is illustrated and described by F. Stademann (n. 48), pl. 7, no. 4 and text p. 6. Christian Hansen made a drawing of the exterior which is now published in Papanikolaou-Christensen, A. (ed.), Αθήνα 1818–1853: έργα Δανών ϰαλλιτεχνών (Athens, 1985), 100, fig. 120.Google Scholar

⁵² Orlandos, A., Μεσαιωνιϰὰ μνημεῖα τῆς πεδιάδος τῶν Ἀθηνῶν ϰαὶ τῶν ϰλιτυῶν Ὑμηττοῦ–Πεντελιϰοῦ, Πάρνηθος ϰαὶ Αἰγαλέως (Athens, 1933), 227–8.Google Scholar

⁵³ Lock 1986, 111–12, no. 1. Lock 1987 adds substantially to our knowledge of the tower on the acropolis through a study of old photographs. We learn the wall thickness at its base, 1.75 m, and a few other details from Burnouf, E., La Ville et l'acropole d'Athènes aux diverses époques (Paris, 1877), 75–7.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ An account of the tower's demolition may be found among the letters of H. Schliemann, who financed the operation: Meyer, E. (ed.), Heinrich Schliemann: Briefwechsel, i (Berlin, 1953), 267–8, nos. 245–6Google Scholar, both dating from 2 July 1874.

⁵⁵ Xyngopoulos, A., ‘Ο Μεσαιωνιϰὸς πύργος τοῦ Παρθενῶνας’, Arch. Eph. 1960, 1–16Google Scholar; Norré, A., Studies in the History of the Parthenon, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, UCLA (Los Angeles, 1966), 40–3.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ I am grateful to Korres for sharing his views on the Parthenon tower with me. A study of the Parthenon tower is forthcoming; provisionally see Korres, M., Μελέτη αποϰαταστάσεως του Παρθενώνος, iv (Athens, 1994), 40.Google Scholar Korres will also present evidence for numerous other Frankish towers that once stood in intercolumniations of the Parthenon's peristyle.

⁵⁷ A view executed in 1674 shows several towers scattered about Athens, all with peaked roofs: cf. Homollo, M., BCH 18 (1894), pls. 1–4.Google Scholar From the 19th cent., see F. Stademann (n. 48), vignette 2 and pl. 10; Tsigakou, F.-M., The Rediscovery of Greece (New Rochelle, NY, 1981), pl. 15Google Scholar; Tsigakou (n. 38), nos. 19, 20, 39.

⁵⁸ Damascus and Palmyra: A Journey to the East (London, 1838), i. 60. Photographs of 19th-cent. Athens do not reveal any towers either, but this is because they are taken at too great a distance and are too indistinct to permit discernment of building forms, or they show views of newer parts of the town, not the old sectors which Skene illustrates: cf. numerous views in Athens 1839–1900: A Photographic Record (Athens, 1985); Das Land der Griechen mit den Seele suchen (Köln, 1990).

⁵⁹ Church's letter: Church, M. (ed.), Life and Letters of Dean Church (London, 1894), 78.Google Scholar Other details about the tower, which was rented by Church from George Finlay: Church, E. M., Sir Richard Church in Italy and Greece (London, 1895), 305–6.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ s.v. in Moravesik, G., Byzantinoturcica, ii (Leiden, 1983)Google Scholar; and in Kriara, E., Αεξιϰό της μεσαιωνιϰής ελληνιϰής δημώδους γραμματείας (Thessaloniki, 1982).Google Scholar The word is Arabo-Turkish and occurs as early as the 11th cent. For the variant ϰούλια see I. Demakopoulos (below, n. 136), pace Lock 1987, 133, citing Phloros, A., Νεοελληνιϰό ετυμολογιϰό ϰαι ερμηνεντιϰό λεξιϰό (Athens, 1980)Google Scholar, s.v. ϰούλια, that the term is derived from Latin culmen, through Roumanian cula = tower. According to Kampouroglous, D., Αἱ παλαιαὶ Ἀθῆναι (Athens, 1922), 389Google Scholar, the tower in the Propylaia (31) was called ϰουλᾶς during the Tourkokrateia.

⁶¹ Text, ii. 31.

⁶² Text, iii. 4.

⁶³ The marble pieces find good parallel in pieces catalogued by Bouras, C., ‘Κατάλογος αρχιτεϰτονιϰών μελών του βυζαντινού μουσείου’, Δελτίο της Χριστιανιϰής Αρχαιολογιϰής Εταιρείας, 4th ser., 13 (1985–1986), 67, Δ 603Google Scholar (parapet/reredos fragments) and 76, Δ 677 (pedestalled base).

⁶⁴ Text, iii. 5.

⁶⁵ Buchon (n. 23), 183–4.

⁶⁶ K. Bires (n. 11), 117, s.v. Χασάνι, where only one tower is mentioned.

⁶⁷ du Tyrac, M. L., vicomte de Marcellus, Souvenirs d'Orient, i (Paris, 1839), 440–4Google Scholar, recounting a voyage made in 1820.

⁶⁸ Chandler, R., Travels in Asia Minor and Greece, ii (London, 1817), 160Google Scholar, describes Dragonisi as a few houses and a ruined tower on a small eminence; J. Hobhouse (n. 42), 367, writes of two square towers.

⁶⁹ Dodwell (n. 8), 467.

⁷⁰ The tower is mentioned and located with reference to the chapel by Bouras, Ch., Kaloyeropoulou, A., and Andreadi, P., Ἐϰϰλησίες τῆς Ἀττιϰῆς (Athens, 1969), 11.Google Scholar

⁷¹ A fact reported by Michael-Dede, M. in Philippou-Angelou, P. (ed.), Πραϰτιϰά τησ Γ′ επιστημονιϰής συναντήσεις ΝΑ Αττιϰήσ (Kalyvia, 1988), 449.Google Scholar

⁷² Gardiakas, G., PAE 1920, 31–2.Google Scholar

⁷³ On the fortified hill see TIB i. 185, s.v. Kastron tou Christou. Other towers that are reported but without further discussion include two at Philiati by Papanikolaou, S., Το Κοροπὶ τῶν Μεσογείων μετὰ τῆς περιφερείας του (Athens, 1947), 24–6Google Scholar, and one in the neighbouring district of Chalidou by Kotzias, N., Arch. Eph. (1925–1926), 196 n. 1.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Lock 1987.

⁷⁵ Text, iii. 14. Milchhoefer calls it a watchtower.

⁷⁶ The district in which the tower stands is also known as Liada or Piada. TIB i. 214; reference to it occurs under the rubric ‘Markopulon’. For another illustration see C. Bouras et al. (n. 70), fig. 156.

⁷⁷ For the discussion of these see G. Bouras et al. (n. 70), 158.

⁷⁸ See Lazarides, D., A. Delt. 16 (1960), Chr. 69–72.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ Hobhouse (n. 42), 409.

⁸⁰ Text, iii. 12.

⁸¹ Text, iii. 20.

⁸² Gell (n. 27), 85; Terrier (n. 16), 95.

⁸³ Arch. Eph. (1948–9), 115. The tower was destroyed not long before Pallas's article appeared.

⁸⁴ Tsirivakos, E., A. Delt. 22 (1967), Chr. 144.Google Scholar The excavator does not identify the structure as a tower.

⁸⁵ Arch. Eph. (1948–9), 115. In a more recent mention of the tower Pallas uses the past tense in referring to its existence: Athena, 80 (1989), 127.

⁸⁶ Text, iii. 61.

⁸⁷ Cf. TIB i. 267, s.v. Tao Pentele.

⁸⁸ Cf. TIB i. 141–2.

⁸⁹ Briefly on the tower at Agios Ioannis Theologos:Lazarides, P., A. Delt. 27 (1972), 186Google Scholar; Kaisariani, Benizelos tower:Gennadios, J., ‘Ἡ Καισαριανή’, Ἑλληνισμός, 20 (1929), 710Google Scholar; Chatzidakis, T., The Monastery of Kaisariani (Athens, 1980) 8.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ Photiou (n. 20), 17.

⁹¹ For an account of the villa see Laios, G., Ὁ πύργος τῆς βασιλίσσης (Athens, 1977).Google Scholar

⁹² von Beaulieu, W., Athen im Frühjahre 1851 (n.d.), 27–8.Google Scholar

⁹³ Text, iii. 3.

⁹⁴ A. Delt. 40 (1985), Chr. 81.

⁹⁵ For Palaio-loutro as a chapel see Lohmann, H., Atene: Forschungen zu Siedlungs- und Wirtschaftsstruktur des klassischen Attika (Köln, 1993) 504, AN 21.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ For domestic features, including hearths, in windmills of the Cyclades, see Baos, Z. and Nomikos, S., Ο ανεμόμυλος οτις Κυϰλάδες (Athens, 1993) 173–4.Google Scholar

⁹⁷ See Koumanoudis, J., ‘Συμβολή στην έρευνα ϰαι γνώση του ξετροχάρη’, in Φίλια έπη εις Γεώργιον Ε. Μυλωνάν, iv (Athens, 1990), 208–84Google Scholar; Baos and Nomikos (n. 96), 56–60.

⁹⁸ Lohmann (n. 95), 71–3, 496, ΛΝ 4.

⁹⁹ Lazarides, P., A. Delt. 25 (1970), Chr. 145–53.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ Text, iii. Lohman (n. 95), 396, CH 74.

¹⁰¹ Text, iii. 19. Eliot, C. W. J., The Coastal Demes of Attica (Toronto, 1962), 72Google Scholar; Lauter, H., AA 1980, 242.Google Scholar

¹⁰² At Schimatari, Lock 1986, 120, no. 18. Add the brief but informative note of Karouzos, Ch., A. Delt. 10 (1926), 91 n. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁰³ Lock 1986, 118, no. 13.

¹⁰⁴ The function of these rows of holes needs further investigation. In some towers, especially those in the Mani, they are called ντουφεϰότρυπες, reflecting a belief that defenders placed rifles in them to fire at attackers: cf. Christophidou, A. in Αναστήλωση–συντήρηση–προστασία μνημείων ϰαι συνόλων Α' (Athens, n.d.), 243 and 244, fig. 18.Google Scholar Elsewhere they are most often explained as scaffolding or putlog holes. They have also been seen as evidence for timber bonding by C. Foss and Winfield, D., Byzantine Fortifications: An Introduction (Pretoria, 1986), 28–9.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁵ Something similar seems to have existed at the tower at Agia Triada on Euboia: Lock 1986, 105.

¹⁰⁶ Lock 1986, 105–6.

¹⁰⁷ The only stylistic feature of any possible relevance that can be mentioned is a negative one, viz. Catalan towers are commonly round whereas those in Boiotia and Attica are predominately four-sided. If this suggests that the Grand Company built no towers of their own while occupying central Greece, it does not mean that they did not take possession of those built by the Franks before them. For Catalan towers see Araguas, P., ‘Les châteaux des marches de Catalogne et Ribagorce’, Bulletin monumental, 137 (1979), 205–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Altet, X. Barrall i, ‘Quelques exemples d'habitat groupé en hauteur en Catalogne’, in Structures de l'habitat et occupation du sol dans les pays méditerranéens: les méthodes et l'apport de l'archéologie extensive (Collection de l'École Française de Rome, 105; 1988), 85–96.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Lock 1989.

¹⁰⁹ According to Topping, P., ‘The public archives of Greece’, The American Archivist, 15 (1952), 249–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar, the only surviving historical archives in Athens relate solely to the late Turkish period and beyond. In E. Balta's full survey of Ottoman archives in Greece, however, Attica is conspicuously absent from the discussion: ‘Οθωμανιϰά αρχεία στην Ελλάδα’, Μνήμων, 12 (1989), 241–52.

¹¹⁰ Lock 1989, 136.

¹¹¹ Murad's tower is reported by Evliya Celebi: cf. Bires, K., Ἀττιϰὰ τοῦ Ἐβλιᾶ Τσελεμπῆ (Athens, 1959), 53–4.Google Scholar It is seemingly unrelated in function to the Peiraieus towers in the corpus (4), which may be of Byzantine date.

¹¹² On the destruction of Turkish documents in Greece see Strong, F., Greece as a Kingdom: Or a Statistical Description of that Country, from the Arrival of King Otho in 1833, down to the Present Time (London, 1842), 219.Google Scholar M. Kiel presents us with a sample from a comprehensive study of Ottoman source material on all of central Greece that is now in progress: ‘Population growth and food production in sixteenth century Athens and Attica according to the Ottoman Tahrir defters’, in Bacqué-Grammont, J.-L. and Donzel, E. v. (eds), Comité International d'Études Pré-ottomanes: 6th Symposium (Cambridge, 1–4 July 1984): Varia Turcica, iv (Istanbul, Paris, Leiden, 1987), 115–33.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Buchon (n. 23), esp. 181–201.

¹¹⁴ Another commentator who has remarked briefly on the subject, E. Kirsten (n. 15), 1023–8, found Buchon's conclusions persuasive.

¹¹⁵ See MacKay, T. D., Hesp. 36 (1967), 252–3.Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ A Byzantine glass sherd in the German Archaeological Institute in Athens is reported from Agios Andreas, Liopesi (35), but its association with the tower that once stood there is not known: Brommer, F., AM 87 (1972), 268, no. 236.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ The difficulty becomes embarrassment in some instances, e.g. with the tower in the Propylaia (31), which has been attributed to Burgundians, Catalans, Florentines, Venetians, and Turks.

¹¹⁸ The sherds at Kynosoura are too tenuously connected to the towers there to allow any conclusions about their date according to the investigator.

¹¹⁹ Orlandos (n. 52), 167, no. 11.

¹²⁰ Μεσαιωνιϰά ϰάστρα ϰαι πύργοι στη Ρούμελη (Athens, 1981), 40.

¹²¹ Lohmann (n. 95), 72, unconvincingly insists on a chronological association of the basilica and the tower.

¹²² Orlandos (n. 52), 152.

¹²³ Kampouroglous, D., Ο ἀναδρομάρης τῆς ἈττιϰἈς (Athens, 1920), 22–3.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ A succinct statment on this view may be found in TIB i. 112–13. The editors posit a tower chain for central Attica and ascribe 41 to it.

¹²⁵ Lock 1986, 108. He does draw our attention to the fact that his fieldwork in Euboia has substantiated a lookout function for the Venetian towers there.

¹²⁶ According to Guillet, A., Athènes ancienne et nouvelle, 3rd edn (Paris, 1676), 126Google Scholar, there was a system of visually linked towers along the Attic coast. Guillet includes interesting remarks on how the system functioned as an effective signalling network. In the case of those coastal towers that are intervisible with the Akropolis a primary function may have been to signal the garrison there. This is repeatedly said to be the function of 5: cf. Philadelphefs, T., Ἱστορία τῶν ἈθηνἈν ἐπὶ Τουρϰοϰρατίας (Athens, 1902), 313Google Scholar; Orlandos (n. 52), 152; Koilakou, C., A. Delt. 38 (1983), Mel. 66Google Scholar, erroneously citing Philadelphefs' initial as ‘A.’.

¹²⁷ It should be noted, however, that 8 and 9 are not intervisible.

¹²⁸ Lock 1989, 139, suggests that two towers in Boiotia and one in Phokis palyed a role in local commercial activity.

¹²⁹ McNeal, R., Antiquity, 65 (1991), 53CrossRefGoogle Scholar, suggests this for 31. If true it would apply equally to 32.

¹³⁰ In general on monastery towers see Orlandos, A., Μοναστηριαϰὴ ἀρχιτεϰτονιϰή, 2nd. edn (Athens, 1958), 134–7.Google Scholar

¹³¹ Some testimonia on the kinds of raiding parties that plagued medieval Attic are collected by M. Michael-Dede (n. 71). 449–69.

¹³² Evidence for out-buildings may survive at 13, 19, 34, and 46. If tower and outbuildings were enclosed by walls, they would have been flimsy, as none survive today, with the possible but doubtful exception at 42. In addition, Lohmann (n. 95) publishes an old photograph that shows a strong enclosure around Kataphyghi (57). He also argues that this structure is similar in function to the towers of part II of the present corpus. In my view, however, the existence of a major enclosure, the batter of the preserved walls, and the placement on a pinnacle of rock reveal a degree of concern for defence that is not found in Attic or Boiotian farm towers. I have, therefore, omitted Kataphyghi from this group. Its closest parallel is the keep built on Penteskouphi immediately w of Acrocorinth; cf. Carpenter, R. and Bon, A., Corinth, iii. 2: The Defenses of Acrocorinth and the Lower Town (Cambridge, Mass., 1936), 265–7.Google Scholar

¹³³ The claim that 45, 46, and 47 were built by the Venetians as observation towers, made in Koutelakis, C. and Phoskolou, A., Πειραιάς ϰαι συνοιϰισμοί (Athens, 1991), 403Google Scholar, rests on no evidence. D. Pallas, PAE 1941, 26, assigns a like role to 48, near Kaki Vigla. This may seem better founded, since βίγλα means ‘lookout’ or ‘watchtower’. Yet located 2 km from the sea, with a number of intervening heights that prevent a panoramic view from it, it is in a poor location for a watchtower. If the name of the nearby town suggests that there was a watchtower in the vicinity, it remains unlocated.

¹³⁴ They were also common in the Europe of Roman times (MacMullen, R., Soldier and Civilian in the Late Roman Empire (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), 142–3)Google Scholar, but medieval towers are a separate development.

¹³⁵ For a brief historical sketch with further references see Katermaa-Ottela, A., Le casetorri medievali in Roma (Commentationes humanarum litterarum, 67; 1981), 14–15.Google Scholar For France see also Fournier, G., Le Château dans la France médiévale (Paris, 1978), 209–15Google Scholar; for ItalyCummings, C., A History of Architecture in Italy (Boston and New York, 1901), 234–8Google Scholar; for CataloniaSalrach, J., in Altet, X. Barral i (ed.), Le Paysage monumental autour de l'an mil (Colloque international CNRS) (Nancy, 1987), 750–5.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ See Lock 1986, 109, for the status of Frankish vassals in the duchy of Athens and Thebes. Lock 1989, 139, answers potential objections that the Greek towers are too austere to have been primary residences.

¹³⁷ Studies of towers of specific areas also include good background discussion of these groups: Pringle, D., PBSR 42 (1974), 180–2Google Scholar; Andrews, D., Osborne, J., and Whitehouse, D., Medieval Lazio (Oxford, 1982), 13–16.Google Scholar

¹³⁸ See Heers, J., Family Clans in the Middle Ages, trans. Herbert, B. (Amsterdam and New York, 1977), 189–201.Google Scholar Heers also provides an excellent discussion of the towers of Italy. For the Balkans see Bouè, A., La Turquie d'Europe, ii (Paris, 1840), 273.Google Scholar

¹³⁹ Lock 1986, 123, no. 28 (Daulis), is the only urban tower in the area of his survey. In the one area of Greece where social custom did lead to intense tower building in towns, the Mani, the phenomenon began after the Middle Ages: cf. Saitas, G., ‘Οχυρές εγϰαταστάσεις ϰαπεταναίων ϰαι μπεήδων Μάνης’, in Πραϰτιϰά του Γ′ Διεθνούς Συνεδρίου Πελοποννησιαϰών Σπουδών, Γ′: νέος ελληνισμός (Athens, 1988), 519–40Google Scholar; Seremetakis, C. N., The Last Word: Women, Death and Divination in Inner Mani (Chicago, 1991), 22–42.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ Our main sources for the tower towns, men like Gell and Leake, knew Greece and the language well. Travellers who merely passed a brief time in Greece describe things with less precision, e.g. Arnold (n. 42), 174, writing that ‘Ambelokypos is a charming cluster of houses’.

¹⁴¹ Those of the Peloponnesos are the best studied: cf. McLeod, W., Hesp. 31 (1962), 390–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Demakopoulos, I., ‘Πύργοι: Οι οχυρές ϰατοιϰίες της προεπαναστατιϰής Πελοποννήσου’, in Πραϰτιϰά του Γ′ Διεθνούς Συνεδίου Πελοποννησιαϰών Σπουδών, Α′: ολομέλεια (Athens, 1987), 277–397.Google Scholar I suspect that some of the towers discussed by Demakopoulos are Frankish in date of construction, and that they may have been occupied also by the Turks. Tower houses in Turkey itself have not been the subject of comprehensive study. For an elaborate one near Izmir and mention of others, see Weaver, M., ‘A tower house at Yeni Foça, Izmir’, Balkan Studies, 12 (1971), 253–66.Google Scholar

¹⁴² Travlos, 178.

¹⁴³ France:Boyer, M., Medieval French Bridges: A History (Cambridge, Mass., 1976)Google Scholar; Italy: Cummings (n. 135), 240; Sogno, V., s.v. ‘Ponte’, in Enciclopedia italiana di scienze, lettere ed arti (1935).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ The view, painted by Carl Rottman, is reproduced in Travlos, 190, fig. 243.

¹⁴⁵ These are konak towers from rather late in the Turkish period located in towns instead of in the country. See Lawless, R., in Carter, F. W. (ed.), An Historical Geography of the Balkans (New York, 1977), 501–33, esp. 516.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Andros:Paschales, D., Ἐπετηρίς Ἑταιρείας Κυϰλαδιϰῶν Μελετῶν, 5 (1965–1956), 362–428Google Scholar; Lemnos:Haldon, J., in Bryer, A. and Lowry, H. (eds), Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society (Washington, DC, 1986), 183Google Scholar; Lesbos:Newton, C., Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, i (London, 1865), 59.Google Scholar Some islands did have towers that served mainly as houses: on Chios cf. W. McLeod (n. 141), 392 n. 54; on NaxosKefalliniadis, N., Οι πύργοι της Νάξου (Athens, 1980), 7Google Scholar; on SantoriniSlot, B., Archipelagus turbatus: les Cyclades entre colonisation latine et occupation ottomane c.1500–1718 (Istanbul, 1982), 17.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ See Lefort, J. in Bazzana, A., Guichard, P., and Poisson, J. (eds), Habitats fortifiés et organisation de l'espace en Méditerranée médiévale (Lyon, 1983), 99–103, esp. 101.Google Scholar A number of Macedonian towers are illustrated and briefly discussed in Bellier, P. et al. (eds), Paysages de Macédoine (Paris, 1986).Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ A brief survey of the tower houses of Greece is given by Moutsopoulos, N., ‘Influence de la morphologie des tours sur l'habitation forte de l'espace hélladique du XVIe–XVIIIe siècle’, Bulletin of the International Castles Institute, 29 (1971), 58–68.Google Scholar