Introduction
The political unification of China under the First Emperor (221 BC) was the culmination of a long process underpinned by infrastructural investments, the advent of new technologies that facilitated interaction and communication, and the weaving together of ideological tenets (Fang et al. Reference Fang, Feinman and Nicholas2015). Most studies on this period of political consolidation apply a broad-scale lens with limited attention focused on how public rituals shifted and impacted activity at the level of the individual settlement. With nearly three decades of systematic survey along its eastern coast and over a century of archaeological excavation and research (Fang et al. Reference Fang, Underhill, Feinman, Nicholas, Luan and Yu2022), the richness of archaeological data from the province of Shandong provides a productive foundation to investigate the long-term processes through which local communities were integrated into expansive political affiliations, and to examine the responses of local inhabitants.
We report the excavation results from the Qianzhongzitou site in Gaomi, located approximately 3km east of the Jiao River, the principal boundary between the Jiaodong Peninsula and western Shandong (Figure 1). We explore how interaction between local communities and the expansion of people and state power from the west transformed the site from a residential village into a sacred space for ritual gatherings. We argue that powerful political entities from the west constructed large platforms for ritual gatherings to integrate local communities. Although there may have been local resistance, as indicated by the defendable positioning of Western Zhou settlements on the coast (Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Nicholas, Wang, Long and Fang2021), the people of eastern Shandong were ultimately incorporated into the larger polities that expanded from the west.
Location of sites mentioned in this article: 1. Qianzhongzitou; 2. Guxian; 3. Xiajiagou; 4. Chenglü; 5. Xihuanggu’an; 6. Pangjiagou; 7. Guicheng; 8. Linzi; 9. Langyatai; 10. Sanlihe; 11. Hetou; 12. Liangchengzhen; 13. Yaowangcheng; 14. Miaotaizi; 15. Tenghualao (figure by authors).
An initial attempt to incorporate the residential community of Qianzhongzitou into an external polity, marked by the construction of a large platform, occurred during the Western Zhou period (c. 1050–771 BC), coinciding with the rise of a new regional centre, Guxian (Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Nicholas, Wang, Long and Fang2021). Later, two more platforms were built: one dating to the early (c. 475–376 BC) and the other to the middle Warring States period (c. 375–276 BC), when the area was under the control of the Qi, a vassal state of the Zhou centred in Linzi. We argue that these platforms represent a sequence of constructions designed to facilitate the assimilation of the inhabitants of the Jiaodong Peninsula into an expansive political sphere through the incorporation of local deities into a more overarching belief system. The examination of ritual practices at Qianzhongzitou over time provides new insights into the origins and construction of a more interconnected population during an extended episode of political unification.
Contextualising the Qianzhongzitou site
Shandong followed a relatively independent developmental trajectory until the late Yueshi period (c. 2000–1400 BC) (Table S1) (Luan Reference Luan1997; CASS 2010), when the Shang (centred in China’s Central Plain) expanded eastward to the Wei River. The Jiaodong Peninsula, where Qianzhongzitou is located, was not incorporated into polities centred further west until later, during the early Western Zhou period (Fang Reference Fang and Underhill2013).
Survey and preliminary excavations of Qianzhongzitou indicate that it was a small settlement established during the late Dawenkou period (c. 3100–2600 BC) that continued to be occupied during the Longshan (c. 2600–2000 BC), Yueshi-Zhenzhumen (c. 2000–1000 BC), Zhou (c. 1000–200 BC) and Han (c. 200 BC–AD 220) periods. Based on systematic probing in the spring of 2023, the layout of Qianzhongzitou is roughly square, enclosed by two defensive ditches dated to the Longshan period that remained in use until the Eastern Zhou period (770–221 BC). The total area is approximately 16ha, with an inner area of about 4.7ha (Figure 2). Excavations were conducted in the south-east quadrant of the enclosed area, where the surface is raised about 0.5m higher than the other three quadrants. Originally a low natural rise, this area has been further built up since the late Dawenkou period.
The layout of Qianzhongzitou based on systematic probing (figure by authors).
A joint Shandong University, Field Museum and Yale University regional survey in south-eastern coastal Shandong has provided details of long-term changes in settlement patterns (Figure 1) (Underhill et al. Reference Underhill, Feinman, Nicholas, Fang, Luan, Yu and Cai2008; Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Nicholas, Wang, Long and Fang2021; Fang et al. Reference Fang, Underhill, Feinman, Nicholas, Luan and Yu2022). Based on this survey, Qianzhongzitou is identified as one of dozens of farming villages that were established in the coastal region in the Late Dawenkou period. During the subsequent Longshan period, the number and size of settlements grew, but no large settlements are apparent in the immediate vicinity of Qianzhongzitou, where most sites ranged between 10 and 20ha in size (Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Nicholas, Wang, Long and Fang2021).
The closest large settlement in the northern part of the survey region is Sanlihe, approximately 20km to the east (CASS 1988). Qianzhongzitou may have been tied to Sanlihe during the Longshan period, as the Jiaogao road connects the two sites in a straight line on relatively flat terrain. During the Early–Middle Longshan period, Sanlihe was tied into a north–south interaction network along China’s eastern coast. Five other large centres—Hetou, Liangchengzhen, Yaowangcheng, Miaotaizi and Tenghualao—were located south of Sanlihe (Figure 1) (Fang et al. Reference Fang, Underhill, Feinman, Nicholas, Luan and Cai2012; Nanjing Museum 2015; Luan et al. Reference Luan, Underhill, Yu, Fang, Cai, Wang and Cunnar2016; Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Fang and Nicholas2019). These sites are approximately 40km from each other, except for Sanlihe, which is about 60km north of Hetou. Although more connected to the north, Sanlihe served as a link to settlements to both the north and the south (Shelach-Lavi Reference Shelach-Lavi2015).
The collapse of Hetou during the Middle Longshan period ruptured the north–south interaction network and a low-density population buffer zone emerged where Hetou had been situated, limiting interaction between the Jiaodong Peninsula in the north and the remaining major coastal Longshan centres at Yaowangcheng and Liangchengzhen. Across the survey region, demographic stasis or decline persisted until the Western Zhou period, when a notable change occurred in settlement patterns along the eastern Shandong coast.
Historical and archaeological records indicate that much of Shandong Province was conquered during a second ‘east campaign’ by the Western Zhou state that was designed to suppress a joint rebellion by three of King Wu’s brothers and Wu Geng, the son of the last Shang king (Di Xin) and the ruler of the Shang people after the Shang were conquered by the Zhou in the first ‘east campaign’ (Shaughnessy Reference Shaughnessy, Loewe and Shaughnessy1999; Li Reference Li2006). The arrival of new political forces from the west is evidenced by shifts in archaeological settlement patterns. In the coastal basins, Liangchengzhen and Yaowangcheng declined in size, no longer serving as regional centres, whereas new centres in the south-eastern coastal area often were established in elevated, defendable locations (Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Nicholas, Wang, Long and Fang2021).
In contrast, on the western side of the Jiao River, Guxian emerged as the largest regional centre, with a size of 169ha (Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Nicholas, Wang, Long and Fang2021). Given the low population density in the immediate vicinity of Guxian during the prior Longshan period, the expanding population of Guxian almost certainly included immigrants from other regions, likely from the west (Wang et al. Reference Wang, Feinman, Nicholas and Fang2024). Guxian was located on a flat corridor that connected the Jiaozhou Bay in the east and the Wei River valley to the west, where it could facilitate east–west transportation and exchange. Qianzhongzitou, approximately 3km east of Guxian, became a secondary centre to Guxian. At that time, functional activities at Qianzhongzitou shifted, with at least a sector of the site rebuilt as a place for ritual gathering (see below).
During the Eastern Zhou period, the northern part of the regional survey area was incorporated into the Qi state (Qian Reference Qian1993), which erected a substantial defensive wall along the existing buffer zone between the northern and southern parts of the survey area, further impeding north–south communication (Zhang et al. Reference Zhang, Wang and Zhang2018; Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Fang and Nicholas2019). Settlements in the north became more concentrated, particularly around Guxian, which increased in size to 476ha—considerably larger than any other site north of the Qi wall in the surveyed area. Many small Western Zhou sites near Guxian were abandoned during the Eastern Zhou period, as the population nucleated and grew at the principal centre (Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Nicholas, Wang, Long and Fang2021). Notably, Qianzhongzitou persisted as a ritual gathering location, with the construction of additional ritual platforms (as discussed below).
Following the conquest of the Qi, south-eastern coastal Shandong was incorporated into the domain of the Qin dynasty (c. 221–200 BC). Langyatai, approximately 2400ha in size and located on the coast near Langya Mountain, gained increasing significance, likely attributed to its salt resources and the ritual role of the mountain (Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Nicholas and Fang2010). The Qi state had established the shrine of the Lord of the Four Seasons at Langya Mountain and, following the conquest, the First Emperor inherited much ritual knowledge and infrastructure from the Qi (see below). The emperor visited Langya Mountain, where he erected a stela to proclaim his rule (Kern Reference Kern and Portal2007). To foster integration in the newly formed empire, he relocated 30 000 families to Langyatai. The deliberate development of Langyatai likely aimed to break down long-standing divisions that stemmed from Longshan times and the time of the Zhou dynasty. These divisions endured for centuries, marked by a sparse demographic buffer zone and the location of the Qi wall (Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Nicholas and Fang2010).
Guxian expanded to 2000ha during the Qin and Han periods, making it the second largest site in the survey area. Guxian retained its importance, likely due to its strategic location facilitating east–west transportation. Many large Han tombs were documented at Guxian, and recorded Han settlements in the area increased. A large rammed-earth platform was constructed south-east of Guxian, at the southernmost part of a Han-period site (XFL-2) on top of a low piedmont ridge between the Jiao and Moshui Rivers. Another site, JZ-XZJZ-1/2, dating from the Longshan to Han periods, lies approximately 300m west, from which the platform could have been easily accessed. The platform provides a vantage point for overseeing the transport route to the coast and is interpreted as a boundary marker between different Han administrative units, though it may also have had a ritual purpose (Feinman et al. Reference Feinman, Nicholas, Wang, Long and Fang2021).
Settlement changes at Qianzhongzitou through time
The preceding overview of survey results for the Shandong coast offers a broad archaeological context for interpreting the transformation of Qianzhongzitou. Excavations at Qianzhongzitou reveal profound changes that began during the Western Zhou period, as ritual platforms were constructed. The settlement shifted from a residential community to a small ritual centre (see details in online supplementary material (OSM) 1).
Through the late Dawenkou to the Yueshi period, Qianzhongzitou was a small village situated far from the region’s largest centres. During the late Dawenkou period, semi-subterranean domestic features were prevalent. Subsequently, in the Early Longshan period, horizontally layered house foundations with relatively thin earthen layers became prominent, often with infant burials interred in the foundations (Figure 3a & b). During the Middle Longshan period, red fired-clay blocks were used in residential construction, likely sourced from nearby kiln activities indicating proximity to pottery production. Longshan house sizes were relatively similar, and socioeconomic differentiation was muted. The village was located along a major transportation route, and the discovery of a Dawenkou period jade object (Figure 3c), stylistically originating from the south, indicates that the habitants participated in long-distance exchange networks (Luan & Yuan Reference Luan and Yuan2020).
Dawenkou–Longshan-period remains from Qianzhongzitou: a) a Longshan-period house (F14); b) the infant burial associated with house F14; c) a Dawenkou-period jade object indicating long-distance interaction with the south (figure by authors).
House construction at the site shifted back to semi-subterranean dwellings during the Yueshi period. Two Yueshi-period houses (F15 and H119) were excavated. A number of intact artefacts, including a zun vessel and two guan jars, were recovered from the floor of house F15 (Figure 4a & b), while H119 contained painted pottery sherds and a fragment of a bronze tool, possibly a knife (Figure 4c & d). One possible pre-Shang-style li tripod fragment (Figure 4e) was unearthed from the Yueshi period occupation, perhaps indicating interaction with and the emulation of ceramic stylistic elements from the west.
Yueshi-period remains from Qianzhongzitou: a) a Yueshi-period semi-subterranean house F15 (partial); b) a ceramic zun vessel from F15; c) a ceramic fragment with red paint from house H119; d) a bronze fragment from H119; e) a possible pre-Shang style li fragment (figure by authors).
Key discoveries dating to the Zhou period include three large platforms and associated features (Figure 5). One platform dates from the Western Zhou period (TJ12, trapezoidal in shape), while the remaining two were from the early and middle Warring States periods (TJ1, rectangular in shape, and TJ11, circular in shape, respectively).
The layout of the platforms and associated features at Qianzhongzitou (figure by authors).
During the Eastern Zhou period, the Western Zhou platform TJ12 was transformed into a path that connected platform TJ1 with associated features, including pit H550 and house F20, the latter of which has four consecutive layers of fire-processed floors (Figure 5 & Figure 6a & b). Rich deposits of kitchen waste, including marine material such as abalone shells, oyster shells and clam shells, along with various animal bones and pottery fragments (see Figure 7a–d), were uncovered on the eastern slope of platform TJ1 and from pit H550, an indication that regular feasting activities took place on the platform.
Warring States-period features from Qianzhongzitou: a) deposit of animal bones in pit H550; b) one of the floors of F20; c) sacrificial pit M12 containing seven individuals; d) the well J16 with the large zeng steamer (figure by authors).
Warring States-period material remains from Qianzhongzitou: a) ceramic fragment with incised zigzag decorations; b) abalone shell from midden deposit near platform TJ1; c) dou plate with ‘tu’ inscription; d) ceramic pen basin from pit H550; e) large zeng steamer from well J16 (figure by authors).
Platform TJ11 is situated to the south of TJ1 and TJ12 (Figure 5). Associated features of TJ11 include a pit (M12), approximately 2m west of the southern end of the platform, and a well (J16) approximately 11m to the south-west (Figure 5 & Figure 6c & d). Seven skeletons were stacked in three layers within pit M12; the proximity of the pit to platform TJ11 in conjunction with this unusual burial practice suggests that M12 was a sacrificial pit associated with TJ11. The excavation of well J16 yielded an exceptionally large zeng steamer basket, measuring 1.2m in diameter and 0.9m in height (Figure 7e). The use of such a large pottery jar may be associated with communal feasting or it may have served as a receptacle for ritual ceremonies.
Few Han-period remains were unearthed during the excavations but those that were indicate elite activities. A Liubo chess piece and a stick-shaped token were found in a Han period ditch (G1) ( Figure 8). The game of Liubo also reflected the cosmological ideology of the time (Li Reference Li2001: 174); depictions of Liubo are found in paintings in Han tombs and are associated with supernatural beliefs (Jiang Reference Jiang2015). Although limited, these discoveries indicate that Qianzhongzitou remained ritually significant during the Han period.
Han-period Liubo chess piece and stick-shaped die (figure by authors).
Discussion
Transformation of Qianzhongzitou and the nature of the three platforms
Based on associated ceramics, the first platform (TJ12) at Qianzhongzitou was constructed during the Western Zhou period, coincident with the arrival of people from the west and the emergence of Guxian as a new regional centre. There are no indications that the three platforms were foundations for large palace structures; instead, they appear to have served as open spaces for public ritual gatherings and performances, which were accompanied by feasts. The primary purpose of these platforms, we argue, was to bring together an expanding population and cultivate new collective identities through shared ritual experience.
Platforms used for ritual purposes were not uncommon during the Zhou period. At least two circular platforms associated with ritual practices have been discovered at Western Zhou period sites. One is located at the Chenzhuang site in Shandong (Shandong 2010), and the other at the Daijiayuan site in Anhui (Anhui 2016). These platforms share many similarities with those at Qianzhongzitou, although notable differences also exist.
Distinguishing features of these ritual platforms are their special shapes and accessibility. Both the Chenzhuang and Daijiayuan platforms are open spaces, near-circular in shape, each approximately 20–25m2 in size (Zhang Reference Zhang2019: 230–32). Platform TJ11 at Qianzhongzitou is also circular but substantially larger, measuring about 780m2, while the later Eastern Zhou platforms are more elongate: TJ12 is trapezoidal and TJ1 is rectangular, extending into a pond to form a ‘peninsula’. Historical records, such as The Rites of Zhou, indicate that both peninsular and circular structures were used for special rituals (Sun Reference Sun1987), and the trapezoidal TJ12 was also likely constructed for ceremonial purposes.
None of the platforms at Qianzhongzitou contain evidence of postholes or walls, suggesting they were intended for public gatherings and performances, and the spaces themselves were not restricted or enclosed. This absence cannot be solely attributed to the destruction of the tops of the platforms. In ancient China, large palaces typically featured deep postholes with stone bases; if such walls had existed, we would expect to find the postholes or stone bases. For TJ1, the original floor is also likely preserved, consisting of a thin layer of crushed calcareous nodules, indicative of a processed floor (Figure 9a). Located in the south-east quadrant of the site, on an area that is raised about 0.5m above the surrounding enclosed area, the activities taking place on and around the open space of the platforms would have been visible from the rest of the settlement.
The three platforms: a) the floor of TJ1 consisting of a thin layer of crushed calcareous nodules; b) a profile section of TJ12 indicating the yellowish-grey soil; c) a corner of TJ11, indicating the mixture of black and yellow soil (figure by authors).
Construction of ritual platforms was meticulous, with the deliberate selection of soils of various colours, which were compacted through ramming, and the incorporation of other ritual features within or near the platforms. The surface of the Chenzhuang platform features concentric shapes: a circle in a square in a rectangle in another circle in an ellipse, each made from soil of a different colour. Beneath the central circle is a square pit containing an animal skeleton, placed at the beginning of construction, likely for a foundational ceremony (Shandong 2010). In contrast, the Daijiayuan platforms were constructed with 13 horizontal layers of soil in various colours, involving three disparate construction phases. Related ritual features, including burned earth and stone piles, form a semi-circle around the Daijiayuan platform (Anhui 2016).
Despite their different shapes, the three platforms at Qianzhongzitou were all meticulously constructed. Deep pits were dug and then refilled with carefully selected earth, which was compacted through ramming. The refilled earth for TJ12 exhibits a yellowish-grey hue (Figure 9b), while TJ1 features grey and yellow and TJ11 displays a mixture of black and yellow (Figure 9c). Features unearthed in connection with the two Eastern Zhou platforms (TJ1 and TJ11) are associated with ritual feasting, while the sacrificial pit, M12, which contained seven human skeletons, was also associated with TJ11.
Across the globe, feasting has accompanied ritual activities for much of human history and prehistory (Pauketat et al. Reference Pauketat, Kelly, Fritz, Lopino, Elias and Hargrave2002; Christenson Reference Christenson, Staller and Carrasco2010; Gopi Reference Gopi2021). Sharing food offerings and feasting after ritual ceremonies was important in ancient China for reinforcing community bonds (Pan & Dong Reference Pan and Dong2024). At Qianzhongzitou, abundant food remains from the eastern slope of platform TJ1 and the associated pit H550, together with the presence of finely crafted vessels, especially dou plates with incised zigzag decorations (Figure 7a), indicate that public feasting, likely including people with high status, occurred frequently. Although no food remains related to feasting were associated with TJ11, the large zeng steamer discovered in the well J16 indicates that food was likely prepared for a large group of people. Such zeng steamers are often depicted as an important element in culinary scenes painted on Han-period tomb walls (Figure S1), scenes that depict food preparation during rituals (Yu Reference Yu2010). The large zeng steamer unearthed at Qianzhongzitou was therefore likely used for food preparation during ritual activities.
Interpretations of the two circular platforms at Chenzhuang and Daijiayuan relate to ritual offerings to Heaven or Earth (Wu & Shuo Reference Wu and Shuo2008; Li Reference Li2019). Several inscriptions of 土 or ‘tu’ (earth) were discovered on dou plates from TJ1 at Qianzhongzitou. The character ‘tu’ is the original form of the character ‘she’, and in the Shang oracle bone inscriptions the character ‘tu’ was interpreted as ‘she’ (Chen Reference Chen1956: 583; Dai Reference Dai1986). The polychrome soil used for platform construction also aligns with historical records that ‘she’ was built with five-coloured soil (Wang Reference Wang2005). Thus, the platform was likely the space for ‘she worship’ (社祀), a communal ritual performed in worship of the gods of the Earth ( Figure 6c). More evidence is needed to verify this hypothesis. However, regardless of the specific deity being worshipped, the platforms seem to have facilitated the convergence of religious, political and social activities, thereby fostering community interaction.
Public ritual in the integration of early states and empires in China
The discovery of the three platforms and related remains at Qianzhongzitou provides archaeological evidence that illuminates the role of public ritual in integrating local peoples into the governance practices of an expansive polity during the Zhou period. Although the specific ritual activities undertaken on the platforms requires further exploration, local earth spirits associated with the cosmological realm of the Jiaodong Peninsula were likely worshipped there.
Historical records emphasise the pivotal role of public rituals in shaping collective identities for early states and empires in China. According to the Shiji (Records of the Grand Historian), the Qi state had a system of worshipping the Eight Deities, encompassing the spirits of Heaven, Earth, Arms, Sun, Moon, Yin, Yang and the Four Seasons. The shrines dedicated to these deities were strategically situated across Qi territory, with the final five concentrated in the Jiaodong Peninsula. This Eight Deities worship system gained widespread affiliation during the subsequent Qin and Han periods (Li Reference Li, Wang, Lin and Nie2020).
Each shrine was situated near a large settlement, often with walled enclosures (Wang et al. Reference Wang, Lin and Nie2020). These settlements, especially the five located in the Jiaodong Peninsula, often date to the early Western Zhou period, and a mixture of objects of local and Western Zhou styles are typically found. Scholars have proposed that the Eight Deities worship system was developed during the Warring States period when kinship and ancestor worship on their own were no longer effective ideological constructs for unifying rapidly growing and often diverse populations (Hu Reference Hu2014: 147; Li Reference Li, Wang, Lin and Nie2020; Wang et al. Reference Wang, Lin and Nie2020). A more unifying corporate code, centred on the Eight Deities, was adopted by the Qi state, perhaps drawing on and formalising worship practices that existed long before the Warring States period (Wang et al. Reference Wang, Lin and Nie2020).
The three platforms at Qianzhongzitou likely represent the integration of local sacred beliefs into a more formalised state belief system. Platform construction at Qianzhongzitou coincided with the arrival of the Western Zhou and the ascent of Guxian. It is probable that, drawing from local beliefs, the incoming Western Zhou transformed Qianzhongzitou into a sacred space for ritual gatherings to venerate local deities as a means to assimilate the local population into new state practices. The short distance between Qianzhongzitou and Guxian (3km) fits the pattern observed for worship of the Eight Deities, whereby shrines were constructed near large settlements. The presence of Western Zhou material culture in and near the shrines of the Eight Deities indicates that Western Zhou people were aware of and had visited most, if not all, of these sacred locations.
Information about Guxian is limited but the development of Guicheng, near the shrine of the Moon, may offer insights into our understanding of Guxian. A comprehensive survey of the site records only 17 pottery sherds from before the Western Zhou period. During the early Western Zhou period, Guicheng experienced significant growth, emerging as a regional centre with wall enclosures. The prevalence of Zhou-style artefacts from this period indicates expanding ties to the Zhou core area in Shaanxi (Li & Liang Reference Li and Liang2018: 490, 976–79). The mixture of local and Zhou-style objects later increased, coinciding with the decline of the Western Zhou.
The systematic survey around Guxian and Qianzhongzitou revealed that most of the sherds discovered at the two sites were Zhou style, while local-style sherds were predominant at nearby smaller sites, such as Xiajiagou and Chenglü (Figure 1). During the early to middle Western Zhou period, a large population from the West likely moved to the Jiaodong area (Liu et al. Reference Liu2021), which was incorporated into territorial domains centred further west. As part of this process, new ritual practices served to integrate the local population with the incoming settlers. The platform TJ12 at Qianzhongzitou, in conjunction with the remains discovered at other sacred locations on the Jiaodong Peninsula, documents the ritual underpinnings associated with Western Zhou political expansion.
Platforms TJ1 and TJ11 date to the early and middle Warring States period, respectively. According to historical records, the Qi state incorporated the entire Jiaodong Peninsula during the preceding late Spring and Autumn period (c. 570–476 BC) (Qian Reference Qian1993). Consequently, the two platforms at Qianzhongzitou likely reflect efforts by the Qi state to integrate the area into its polity. The Qi likely adopted the strategic approach of the Western Zhou and viewed ritual as an effective means of assimilating new territories. As the Qi, along with other states, transitioned from settlement-based states to larger territorial states (Li Reference Li2013: 183–86), kinship and the worship of ancestors became increasingly ineffective as the principal means of legitimising rulership (Wang et al. Reference Wang, Lin and Nie2020). By amalgamating contemporaneous Taoist philosophical ideas (Wang et al. Reference Wang, Lin and Nie2020), the successful integration of the Jiaodong Peninsula was further expanded into a developed cosmological system—the worship of the Eight Deities—during the late Warring States period. The worship of the Eight Deities was largely inherited and transformed into the Qin and Han state ritual systems, contributing to the formation of collective political affiliations. The visits of Qin and Han emperors to the shrines of seven of the Eight Deities (the shrine of Heaven was re-designated to Xi’an, where the capitals of the Qin and Han dynasties were located, instead of Linzi, where the capital of the Qi state was located during the Warrring States period) served to acknowledge and recognise these deities (Li Reference Li, Wang, Lin and Nie2020).
Conclusion
Excavations at Qianzhongzitou illustrate that the arrival of people from the west, coinciding with the emergence of the large regional centre at Guxian, led to the radical transformation of Qianzhongzitou from a small village to a settlement with sacred significance. Three large platforms (one constructed during the Western Zhou period and two during the Eastern Zhou period) provided open spaces without walls or roofs, specifically designed for ritual gatherings. Feasting and sacrificial offerings were particularly evident in association with the Eastern Zhou platforms. The construction of the platforms represented an effort to integrate the people of the Jiaodong Peninsula into an expansive political domain through the incorporation of local deities into the wider state belief system. Though more evidence is needed to provide details on how local people responded to and ultimately conformed with such practices, and whether any local resistance existed, these efforts ultimately resulted in the development of the Eight Deities cosmological system in the Qi state during the late Warring States period. This belief system persisted through the Qin and Han empires. Thus, ritual practices served a crucial role in the growth and eventual unification of early polities and empires in China. Our investigations illustrate how this process did not solely involve those at the top of political regimes, but also touched the lives and ritual activities of local subalterns.
Acknowledgements
The authors thank undergraduate students from Shandong University, Class of 2020, and graduate students from Shandong University who were the main participants in the excavation. Photographs were taken by Ruiwen Wang, and drawings are by Junhui Yu, Zhengliang Wang and Shiwen Zhang. We appreciate the support of the Gaomi Municipal Government and the Gaomi Cultural and Tourism Bureau.
Funding statement
Financial support was provided by the “Archaeology China Major Project”: Archaeological Research of the Xia, Shang, and Western Zhou Dynasties in the Hai-Dai Region (Wenwu Baohan [2021]1105), the 111 Project of China (111-2-09), Taishan Scholars Program of Shandong Province (tstp20230609), the Postdoctoral Innovation Talents Support Program of Shandong Province (SDBX2023087), the Natural Science Foundation of Shandong Province (ZR2023QE291), Field Museum of Natural History, National Science Foundation (BCS-9911128), National Geographic Society (7735-02, 7903-05), Henry Luce Foundation, Wenner-Gren Foundation and Tang Foundation.
Online supplementary material (OSM)
To view supplementary material for this article, please visit https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2025.10156 and select the supplementary materials tab.
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