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Reforming the Constitution; Reforming the Postcolonial State? Indigenous Peoples and Constitutional Reforms in Taiwan

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2019

Jeroen VAN BEKHOVEN*
Affiliation:
College of Law, National Taiwan University, Taiwanjeroenjpgvanbekhoven@gmail.com
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Abstract

When an authoritarian state starts democratic transition reforms, the constitution can facilitate such reforms. However, a little-studied role of the constitution during democratic transition is that it can back indigenous peoples’ demands. Constitutional reform during democratic transition enables indigenous peoples to challenge the state's ‘internal colonialism’. The democratic institutions and democratic rights established and guaranteed by the constitution open possibilities for indigenous peoples to push for constitutional reforms that promote ‘internal decolonization’. This means that indigenous peoples are empowered and that their interests are protected. For indigenous peoples, a ‘double transition’ can thus take place: from authoritarianism to democracy, and from internal colonialism to internal decolonization. A case study of the constitutional reforms in Taiwan confirms that the constitution can guarantee indigenous peoples’ participation in constitutional reform. But in Taiwan, this involvement has not led to meaningful incorporation of indigenous peoples in the constitution, and it has not fully promoted double transition. The case study highlights serious problems for indigenous peoples to realize strong constitutional reforms. This article provides a foundation for additional research on constitutional change and indigenous peoples. This is critical to advance constitutional theory and to ascertain whether and how constitutions can give indigenous peoples a voice.

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Article
Copyright
Copyright © National University of Singapore, 2019

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Footnotes

*

Postdoctoral Research Fellow, College of Law, National University, Taipei, Taiwan. The research for this article was made possible with financial grants from National Taiwan University, the Ministry of Science and Technology of Taiwan, and the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy. The author wishes to thank Professor Wen-Chen Chang and the two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments on the draft of this article.

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37. United Nations Human Rights Council, ‘Progress report on the study on indigenous peoples and the right to participate in decision-making: Report of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples’ (A/HRC/15/35, 23 Aug 2010) para 84; UNDRIP, art 34.

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41. UN Department of Economic and Social Affairs (n 4) 53, 119.

42. See eg UNDRIP, arts 25, 26, 32; Convention Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries (ILO Convention No 169), arts 13.1, 14.1, 15.1, 16.1.

43. Lenzerini, ‘Reparations for Indigenous Peoples’ (n 30) 3, 6–7, 11–12, 14–15.

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49. See United Nations Human Rights Council (n 37), para 34.

50. South American constitutions, such as those of Bolivia, Ecuador, Paraguay, and Venezuela offer interesting examples of this; see the sources cited in (n 33) and (nn 51–54).

51. The preambles of the Political Constitution of the State of Bolivia and the Constitution of Ecuador, for instance, give a brief, anti-colonial narrative of these states’ histories.

52. For example, the preamble of the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela asserts that Venezuelan society is multiethnic and pluricultural. Similarly, art 62 of the Constitution of the Republic of Paraguay explicitly acknowledges the existence of indigenous peoples.

53. The preambles of the Political Constitution of the State of Bolivia and the Constitution of Ecuador mention indigenous concepts and key values, such as ‘Pachamama’ (or ‘Pacha Mama’), the Inca earth goddess, and ‘good living’ (Spanish: bien vivir, or Quechua: sumak kawsay).

54. Many South American constitutions contain separate catalogues of indigenous rights, for example the Constitution of the Republic of Paraguay, ch V and the Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, ch VIII. The type of rights included in these chapters varies, but they set out the benchmarks for indigenous law-making and decision-making.

55. Hirschl has correctly pointed out that the constitutionalization of rights does not necessarily improve marginalized groups’ social and economic conditions: Hirschl, Ran, Towards Juristocracy: The Origins and Consequences of the New Constitutionalism (Harvard University Press 2004) 159161, 218–220Google Scholar. He also warns that it risks reducing indigenous issues to legalized problems fought in courts (198). Admittedly, constitutional protection of indigenous peoples’ rights alone is not sufficient. That is why internal decolonization stresses processual developments that are to be facilitated by a constitutional framework that gives indigenous peoples the space and tools to challenge the state on equal terms.

56. The state and indigenous peoples are to give substance to such a relationship. Textual statements such as ‘nation-to-nation relationship’ do not imply a concrete shift in their power balance; indeed, there can be powerful and less powerful sovereign entities.

57. Andrade, Tonio, How Taiwan Became Chinese: Dutch, Spanish, and Han Colonization in the Seventeenth Century (Columbia University Press 2008) 11Google Scholar. The Spanish briefly controlled a part of the north of Taiwan, from 1626 to 1642, until they were defeated by the Dutch and their indigenous allies (106–108; see also Hsin-hui, Chiu, The Colonial ‘Civilizing Process’ in Dutch Formosa, 1624–1662 (Brill Academic Publishing 2008) 88Google Scholar. Since the impact of the Spanish presence seems to have been rather limited, it will not be further discussed here.

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65. Yi-Fong Chen, Indigenous Rights Movements, Land Conflicts, and Cultural Politics in Taiwan: A Case Study of Li-Shan (PhD dissertation, Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College 1998) 82, 89–90, 187.

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68. The National Assembly was a separate body that had the power to elect the President and the Vice-President. After undergoing some reforms in the 1990s, it was eventually abolished in 2005; Yeh, The Constitution of Taiwan (n 9) 44–47.

69. Taiwan's highest legislative body, comparable to a parliament.

70. Fell (n 63) 137.

71. Wen-Chen Chang, Transition to Democracy, Constitutionalism and Judicial Activism: Taiwan in Comparative Constitutional Perspective (PhD dissertation, Yale University 2001) 294.

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78. Yeh & Chang, ‘The Emergence of East Asian Constitutionalism’ (n 72) 819.

79. The ROC Constitution has sometimes been perceived as a constitution imposed on Taiwan by the KMT government that came from the mainland: Yeh, The Constitution of Taiwan (n 9) 24.

80. ibid 44–47; Yeh, ‘Constitutional Reform and Democratization in Taiwan’ (n 75) 65–66.

81. Additional Articles of the Constitution of the Republic of China (Additional Articles), art 4(2). See also Simon, Sadyaq Balae! (n 64) 23; Simon, ‘Paths to Autonomy’ (n 66) 226; Kharis Templeman, ‘The Aborigine Constituencies in the Taiwanese Legislature’ Stanford Center On Democracy, Development, and Rule of Law Working Paper (11 Aug 2015) 10 <https://fsi-live.s3.us-west-1.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/cddrl-wps-templeman-abelecs.20150811.pdf> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Yeh, ‘Constitutional Reform and Democratization in Taiwan’ (n 75) 56–57.

82. ROC Constitution, art 168.

83. During the KMT's authoritarian rule, elections for the Legislative Yuan and the National Assembly were frozen and limited to supplementary elections to fill the seats of deceased members. The KMT regime set a quota for indigenous peoples in these supplementary elections: Chang, Transition to Democracy, Constitutionalism and Judicial Activism (n 71) 64–65; Templeman (n 81) 10–11.

84. ROC Constitution, art 17.

85. ibid arts 18, 130.

86. ibid art 131.

87. See 高德義 (Kao Ted-I), ‘邁向有效的政治參與:台灣原住民族選舉制度的批判與改革 [Towards Effective Political Participation: Criticism and Reform of Taiwan's Indigenous Election System]’ (2014) 16台灣原住民研究論叢 [Taiwan Indigenous Studies Review] 1, 13; Moon, Eric P, ‘Single Non-Transferable Vote Methods in Taiwan in 1996: Effects of an Electoral System’ (1997) 37 Asian Survey 652, 654CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Templeman (n 81) 12; Huang Jie (Zamak Luvaniyaw), Chun-Ta Juan & Valincinan Savungaz, ‘Shadow Report on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and Policy in Taiwan prepared for the United Nations Human Rights Committee on the occasion of its review of Taiwan's Initial Report under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights’ (Jan 2013), 246 [‘ICCPR Shadow Report’] (on file with author). Also see 高德義 (Kao Dé-yì, Wubark Kudjayau), 選舉政治與原住民族發展 [Election Politics and Indigenous Peoples Development] (2015) 5台灣原住民族研究學報 [Taiwan Journal of Indigenous Studies] 21, 31.

88. See Simon, ‘Paths to Autonomy’ (n 66) 226; Templeman (n 81) 10; Yeh, ‘Constitutional Reform and Democratization in Taiwan’ (n 75) 56–57.

89. The Amis for instance, lost a considerable amount of land because of varying colonial and authoritarian land policies: Yung-Ching Lo, Accessing Indigenous Land Rights Through Claims in Taroko Area, Eastern Taiwan (PhD dissertation, Leiden University 2013) 108. Smaller tribes such as the Saisiyat struggle to keep their languages alive: see ‘UNESCO Interactive Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger’ (UNESCO) <www.unesco.org/languages-atlas/> accessed 2 Aug 2019.

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91. ibid 94, 98.

92. ROC Constitution, art 11.

93. ibid art 14.

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95. For example, the successful initiative to change the official name given to indigenous peoples; see the discussion in Part II.C.1 below.

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99. ibid.

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101. Fiorella Allio, ‘Building a Political Platform for Themselves: On Taiwan's Austronesian Peoples’ (French Centre for Contemporary Research on China) (copy on file with author).

102. Yeh, The Constitution of Taiwan (n 9) 228–229.

103. Mona, Awi, ‘International Perspective on the Constitutionality of Indigenous Peoples’ Rights’ (2007) 3 Taiwan International Studies Quarterly 85, 104Google Scholar; Ku (n 100) 101–102; Mitsuda (n 100) 158; Simon, ‘Paths to Autonomy’ (n 66) 226.

104. Allio (n 101).

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106. Chen (n 65) 142.

107. Allen (n 105) 179, 180; Granville Miller (n 105) 189–190; Hsieh (n 105) 49; Ku, ‘Rights to Recognition: Minority/Indigenous Politics’ (n 105) 104.

108. Ku, ‘Rights to Recognition: Minority and Indigenous Politics’ (n 100) 119–120; Simon, ‘All our Relations’ (n 67) 8; Yeh, The Constitution of Taiwan (n 9) 228.

109. Templeman (n 81) 13–14. The KMT traditionally has a strong hold on indigenous legislators and indigenous communities. This is a legacy of the strong client-patron networks cultivated by the authoritarian KMT regime. Indigenous legislators needed KMT support and remained loyal to the party throughout the authoritarian period. The progress of democratic transition has however decreased the KMT's influence and increased the competition for seats. Although throughout the 1990s indigenous communities still mostly voted KMT, the KMT legislators were more active and operated more independently. The particular political circumstances of the 1990s gave them the opportunity to support the indigenous movement; see Simon, ‘All our Relations’ (n 67) 23, 27, 30; Templeman, Kharis, ‘When Do Electoral Quotas Advance Indigenous Representation?: Evidence from the Taiwanese Legislature’ (2018) 17 Ethnopolitics 461, 471472CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yang, Shu-Yuan, ‘Imagining the State: an Ethnographic Study’ (2005) 6 Ethnography 487, 491–493, 501502CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

110. ROC Constitution, art 168.

111. Bindman, Jo, ‘Taiwan: Indigenous Peoples in the Taiwanese Sex Industry’ in Enslaved Peoples in the 1990s: a Report by Anti-Slavery International in collaboration with IWGIA (Anti-Slavery International and IWGIA 1997) 29, 44Google Scholar <www.iwgia.org/images/publications/0142_ENSLAVED_PEOPLES_IN_THE_90.pdf> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Chen (n 65) 147.

112. Additional Articles, art 10.

113. Yeh, The Constitution of Taiwan (n 9) 228.

114. Ku, ‘Rights to Recognition: Minority/Indigenous Politics’ (n 105) 114–115; Simon, ‘Paths to Autonomy’ (n 66) 226.

115. Chen (n 65) 148–149; Ku, ‘Rights to Recognition: Minorities and Indigenous Politics’ (n 100) 114–115.

116. Additional Articles, art 10.

117. Simon, Scott, ‘Taiwan's Indigenized Constitution: What Place for Aboriginal Formosa?’ (2006) 2 Taiwan International Studies Quarterly 251, 256Google Scholar.

118. Yeh, The Constitution of Taiwan (n 9) 199.

119. Ku, ‘Rights to Recognition: Minority/Indigenous Politics’ (n 105) 109.

120. Additional Articles, art 10.

121. See Burguete Cal y Mayor Araceli, ‘Constitutional multiculturalism in Chiapas - Hollow reforms that nullify autonomy rights’, in Eisenstadt et al (n 33) 4–5 (digital version on file with author).

122. Simon, ‘Taiwan's Indigenized Constitution’ (n 117) 256.

123. ROC Constitution, arts 168, 169.

124. ibid art 169.

125. ibid art 168.

126. ibid art 169.

127. ibid arts 168, 169. Note that the wording of these provisions does not suggest any recognition of rights for the racial groups, and the word ‘rights’ is not even used.

128. See the discussion in Part II.C above.

129. ROC Constitution, art 23 provides that constitutional rights and freedoms can be restricted by law if necessary to protect the freedoms of others or social order, to prevent ‘imminent crisis’, or to promote public welfare.

130. Chen (n 65) 148; Ku ‘Rights to Recognition: Minorities and Indigenous Politics’ (n 100) 119–120.

131. See the discussion in Part II.C.2 above.

132. ROC Constitution, art 2.

133. Additional Articles, art 10.

134. The Constitutional Court has interpreted the Additional Articles’ policy directives in such a way that they can be used to test the constitutionality of laws and regulations. It has found that if laws or regulations execute a policy directive, they are to be deemed constitutional. It will strike a balance between the policy directives and other interests or values; Chang, Wen-Chen et al. , Constitutionalism in Asia: Cases and Materials (Hart Publishing 2014) 961963Google Scholar; Yeh, The Constitution of Taiwan (n 9) 200–201. So far, the Constitutional Court has only addressed indigenous peoples in one case, in which it upheld the constitutionality of the mandatory quota for indigenous employees in government procurement projects, finding, among others, that the quota requirement meets the aims set out in art 10 of the Additional Articles (JY Interpretation No 719, 4 Apr 2014 (Constitutional Court, Taiwan)). Recently, the Supreme Court issued a request to the Constitutional Court to examine the constitutionality of the laws regulating hunting by indigenous peoples in the light of art 10 of the Additional Articles: 最高法院審理原住民王光祿打獵案聲請釋憲新聞稿 [Press release: The Supreme Court heard the indigenous Wang Guang-lu hunting case interpretation] (Supreme Court, 28 Sep 2017) <http://jirs.judicial.gov.tw/GNNWS/NNWSS002.asp?id=288249> accessed 2 Aug 2019). The Constitutional Court's response to this request will clarify the Additional Articles’ significance to the protection of indigenous rights in Taiwan.

135. Chang et al (n 134) 961–963.

136. Fell (n 63) 22; Rudolph (n 98); Yeh, The Constitution of Taiwan (n 9) 29.

137. Wachman, Alan M, ‘Competing Identities in Taiwan’, in Rubinstein, Murray A (ed), The Other Taiwan: 1945 to the Present (Routledge 1994) 17, 25Google Scholar.

138. Lin, Fang-Mei, ‘Women's Organizations and the Changing State/Society Relationship: Resistance, Co-option by the State, or Partnership?’ (2008) 2 Taiwan in Comparative Perspective 47, 5455Google Scholar; Michael Rudolph, Taiwans Multi-Etnische Gesellschaft und die Bewegung der Ureinwohner: Assimilation oder Kulturelle Revitalisierung [Taiwan's Multiethnic Society and the Indigenous Movement: Assimilation or Cultural Revitalization] (LIT 2003) 51; Simon, Scott, ‘Multiculturalism and Indigenism: Contrasting the Experiences of Canada and Taiwan’ in Ngo, Tak-Wing and Wang, Hong-zen (eds), Politics of Difference in Taiwan (Routledge 2011) 14, 20Google Scholar.

139. Kaeding, Malte Philipp, ‘Taiwanized “New Taiwanese”: The Effect of Taiwanization on the 2008 Presidential Election Campaign of Ma Ying-jeou’ (2009) 9 Asia-Pacific Social Science Review 19, 2527Google Scholar; Simon, ‘Multiculturalism and Indigenism’ (n 138) 20.

140. Additional Articles, art 10. See also the discussion in Part II.C.2 above.

141. Simon, ‘Paths to Autonomy’ (n 66) 226.

142. See the discussion in Part II.A.2 above.

143. ROC Constitution, art 6. See also Fell (n 63) 44.

144. The ROC Constitution stresses the agricultural exploitation of land; see arts 143, 146.

145. See the discussion in Part II.D above.

146. ibid.

147. ROC Constitution, art 143.

148. Mona (n 103) 98; Bodley, John, Victims of Progress (AltaMira Press 2008) 6970Google Scholar; Granville Miller (n 105) 310; 王泰升 (Wang Tay-Sheng), ‘台灣法律史上的原住民族:作為特殊的人群、地域與法文化 [Indigenous Peoples in the Legal History of Taiwan: Being a Special Ethnic Group, Territory and Legal Culture]’ (2015). 44 臺大法學論叢 [National Taiwan University Law Journal] 1639, 1677–1678.

149. ROC Constitution, art 143.

150. ibid art 169.

151. Alliance of Taiwan Aborigines (n 66); Simon, ‘Paths to Autonomy’ (n 66) 225; Simon, Sadyaq Balae! (n 64) 83.

152. Additional Articles, art 10. See also the discussion in Part II.C.2 above.

153. This is underlined by the persisting marginalization of Taiwan's indigenous peoples. They have significantly lower levels of education, average annual household income, health indicators, and life expectancy compared to non-indigenous Taiwanese; Huang, Shu-Min & Liu, Shao-Hua, ‘Discrimination and incorporation of Taiwanese indigenous Austronesian peoples’ (2016) 17 Asian Ethnicity 294, 302304CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

154. Tushnet, Mark, ‘Constitution-Making: An Introduction’ (2013) 91 Texas Law Review 1983, 1987–1988, 1995–1996, 1998Google Scholar.

155. See the discussion in Part II.B below.

156. See the discussion in Part II.C below.

157. Nohlen, Dieter, Grotz, Florian, & Hartmann, Christof, Elections in Asia: A Data Handbook, Volume II (Oxford University Press 2003) 535Google Scholar.

158. Lin, Frederick Chao-Chun, ‘The implementation of human rights law in Taiwan’, in Peerenboom, Randall, Petersen, Carole J, & Chen, Albert HY (eds), Human Rights in Asia: A Comparative Legal Study of Twelve Asian Jurisdictions, France and the USA (Routledge 2006) 298, 299Google Scholar.

159. The legacy of the KMT regime still sparks controversy, and successive KMT governments have paid little attention to transitional justice; see eg Vladimir Stolojan, ‘Transitional justice and collective memory in Taiwan’ (2017) 2 China Perspectives 27, 28–30, 35 <https://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/7327> accessed 2 Aug 2019. See also the discussion in Part IV.B below.

160. See the discussion in Part II.C.2 above.

161. ibid. At the same time, the opposition DPP did not fully back indigenous demands either, and also did not implement further modification of the indigenous clause when it was in power. Plans to modify the ROC Constitution, including recognizing indigenous rights in a separate chapter, did not succeed. President Chen did not have sufficient political support for such profound constitutional reforms after corruption allegations against him, and the PRC also resisted such reforms. He eventually settled for the reforms that his DPP and the KMT could agree upon: see Mona (n 103) 88; Cabestan, Jean-Pierre, ‘A New Constitutional Balance and the Prospect for Constitutional Change in Taiwan’, in Goldstein, Steven M & Chang, Julian (eds), Presidential Politics in Taiwan: the Administration of Chen Shui-Bian (EastBridge 2008) 29, 4143Google Scholar; Simon, ‘All our Relations’ (n 67) 24; Simon, ‘Paths to Autonomy’ (n 66) 235.

162. See the discussion in Parts II.C.1, II.C.2.

163. See the discussion in Part II.E.

164. See the discussion in Part II.C.2.

165. Taiwan's indigenous peoples were, for instance, called ‘savages’ by the Japanese colonial regime (see Part II.C.1 above).

166. Yeh, The Constitution of Taiwan (n 9) 48, 201.

167. Additional Articles, art 12.

168. Allen (n 105) 206, 209; Chuan-Ju Cheng, A New Legal Era for the Indigenous Peoples of Taiwan – Self-Government? (PhD dissertation, University of Washington 2010) 57–70, 200–201; Abraham Gerber, ‘Aboriginal groups divided over self-government law’ Taipei Times (19 Sep 2015) <www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2015/09/19/2003628077> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Interview with Ms Kawlo Iyun Pacidal, Legislator's Office, Taipei, Taiwan, 21 Oct 2016; Interview with Futuru Tsai, Professor at National Taitung University, Taitung, Taiwan, 16 Apr 2017; Interview with Ms Kolas Yotaka, Legislator's Office, Taipei, Taiwan, 2 May 2017; Simon, Scott and Mona, Awi, ‘Human Rights and Indigenous Self-Government: the Taiwanese Experience’, in Bagchi, Subrata Sankar & Das, Arnab (eds), Human Rights and the Third World: Issues and Discourses (Lexington Books 2013) 99, 105Google Scholar.

169. See eg ‘Shadow Report 2016 on Government's Response to the Concluding Observations and Recommendations’ (Covenants Watch, Taiwan 3 Sep 2016) (‘Shadow Report 2016’), para 111–112 <https://covenantswatch.org.tw/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/2016_ICCPR_ICESCR_COR_EN.pdf> accessed 2 Aug 2019; ICCPR Shadow Report (n 87) 17.

170. Mata Taiwan, ‘What is Problematic About the Indigenous Traditional Lands Regulations’ (Ketagalan Media, 9 Mar 2017) <www.ketagalanmedia.com/2017/03/09/25973/> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Shadow Report 2016 (n 169) para 107; Wu Po-wei, Chiu Yen-ling & Jake Chung, ‘Aboriginal land boundary draft rules meet criticism’ Taipei Times (16 Feb 2017) <www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2017/02/16/2003665090/1> accessed 2 Aug 2019.

171. Interview with Mr Mayaw Biho, co-organizer of the ‘Protest Against the Guidelines of Indigenous Traditional Territories’ event held in Taipei, Taiwan, 24 Mar 2017; Mata Taiwan (n 170); Wu, Chiu & Chung (n 170).

172. For instance, Xi and PRC government officials have made statements that the PRC will swiftly respond to any Taiwanese attempt to assert its independence. Most importantly, in Jan 2019 Xi warned that Taiwan must accept reunification and that the PRC will not refrain from using force to achieve that aim: Lily Kuo, ‘“All necessary means”: Xi Jinping reserves right to use force against Taiwan’ The Guardian (2 Jan 2019) <www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jan/02/all-necessary-means-xi-jinping-reserves-right-to-use-force-against-taiwan> accessed 2 Aug 2019. Furthermore, Xi's government has actively persuaded states to severe their diplomatic ties with Taiwan to isolate Taiwan further from the international community: Ben Blanchard, ‘China wins back Burkina Faso, urges Taiwan's last African ally to follow’ (Reuters, 26 May 2018) <www.reuters.com/article/us-china-burkina/china-wins-back-burkina-faso-urges-taiwans-last-african-ally-to-follow-idUSKCN1IR09W> accessed 2 Aug 2019.

173. ‘About CIP: Introduction’ (Council of Indigenous Peoples) <www.apc.gov.tw/portal/docList.html?CID=D6CE6A4C9BFECEEA&DID=D6CE6A4C9BFECEEA> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Simon, ‘Multiculturalism and Indigenism’ (n 138) 15.

174. 原住民族委員會組織法 (Yuanzhuminzu weiyuanhui zuzhi fa [Organization Act of the Council of Indigenous Peoples]) (‘CIP Act’) arts 1, 2(1).

175. ibid art 3.

176. ibid art 4. Only tribes that have officially been granted ‘indigenous status’ have a representative: 原住民身分法 (Yuanzhumin shenfen fa [Status Act for Indigenous Peoples]) art 2; CIP Act, art 2.

177. CIP Act, arts 1, 2.

178. Shadow Report 2016 (n 169) para 109.

179. See eg Lee I-chia, ‘Thao Aborigines unhappy with resort project plans’ Taipei Times (21 Aug 2013), <www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2013/08/21/2003570227> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Chen Wei-han, ‘Cabinet to reject hotel project’ Taipei Times (7 Jul 2016), <www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/07/07/2003650533> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Chen Wei-han, ‘Aboriginal group protests driftwood collection rules’ Taipei Times (17 Aug 2015) <www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2015/08/17/2003625558> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Kathrin Wessendorf et al (eds), The Indigenous World 2009 (International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs 2009) 305.

180. Interview with Ms Kolas Yotaka (n 168); Interview with Mr Mayaw Biho (n 171); Interview with Mr David Lu, official of the Council of Indigenous Peoples, Taipei, Taiwan, 24 Jun 2015; Interview with Professor Futuru Tsai (n 168).

181. Simon, ‘Paths to Autonomy’ (n 66) 235.

182. Mona (n 103) 100; Da-Wei Kuan, ‘Transitional Justice and Indigenous Land Rights: The Experience of Indigenous Peoples’ Struggle in Taiwan’ (Paper presented at the Bilateral Conference (Taiwan and Austria) for Justice and Injustice Problems in Transitional Societies, Taipei, 27–28 Sep 2010) 9; Mitsuda (n 100) 165–167; Simon & Mona (n 168) 102.

183. Mona (n 103) 100.

184. Bangladesh, Japan, Malaysia, and the Philippines are among the few other Asian states that have a specific law on indigenous peoples; Errico (n 8) 14–19; ‘Japan enacts law recognizing Ainu as indigenous, but activists say it falls short of U.N. declaration’ The Japan Times (19 Apr 2019), <www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2019/04/19/national/japan-enacts-law-recognize-ainu-indigenous-despite-criticism-ethnic-group/> accessed 2 Aug 2019.

185. Basic Law, art 34. This provision provides that relevant regulations are to be amended, made, and interpreted in accordance with the principles of the Basic Law. Regulations that are incompatible with these principles are to be changed or abolished.

186. Basic Law, arts 4, 5.

187. ibid art 2(5).

188. See eg Basic Law, arts 10 (on indigenous cultures), 13 (on indigenous traditional knowledge), 26 (on social welfare).

189. ROC Constitution, art 174.

190. ‘Implementation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights: Second Report Submitted under Article 40 of the Covenant: Republic of China (Taiwan)’ (Apr 2016) 1 <http://www.humanrights.moj.gov.tw/lp-554-205.html>.

191. Wessendorf, Kathrin et al. (eds), The Indigenous World 2008 (International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs 2008) 270271Google Scholar; Indigenous Languages Development Act, art 1; Indigenous Traditional Intellectual Creations Protection Act, art 1.

192. William Hetherington, ‘Draft Aboriginal land and seas bill delivered: Nawi’ Taipei Times (31 May 2017) <www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2017/05/31/2003671627> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Kathrin Wessendorf et al (eds) (n 191) 270–271; Covenants Watch, ‘Shadow Report on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and Policy in Taiwan prepared for the United Nations Human Rights Committee on the occasion of its review of Taiwan's Initial Report under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights’ (Jan 2013) 15.

193. In 1971, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 2758/XXVI. This resolution ‘restored’ the PRC's ‘lawful rights’ and recognized the PRC as the only legitimate representative of China to the UN. The resolution called for the expulsion of the representatives of Chiang Kai-shek from the UN and its related organizations, deeming their occupation of the UN seats unlawful; GA Res 2758 (XXVI), 2; UN Doc A/8429 (25 Oct 1971). Taiwan's various applications to re-enter the UN have all been rejected due to pressure from the PRC and references to Resolution 2758/XXVI; Fell (n 63) 138, 159; Roy (n 9) 216.

194. Wen-Chen Chang, ‘The Convergence of Constitutions and International Human Rights: Taiwan and South Korea in Comparison’ (2011) 36 North Carolina Journal of International Law and Commercial Regulation 594, 599–600; Liao, Fort Fu-Te and Hwang, Jau-Yuan, ‘Think Globally, Do Locally – Internationalizing Taiwan's Human Rights Regime’ in Chow, Peter CY (ed), Taiwan's Modernization in Global Perspective (Praeger 2002) 84Google Scholar.

195. 公民與政治權利國際公約及經濟社會文化權利國際公約施行法 (Gongmin yu zhengzhi quanli guoji gongyue ji jingji shehui wenhua quanli guoji gongyue shixing fa [Act to Implement the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights]) (22 Apr 2009) (‘ICCPR & ICESCR Implementation Act’).

196. 消除對婦女一切形式歧視公約施行法 (Xiaochu dui funü yi qie xingshi qishi gongyue shixing fa [Enforcement Act of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women]) (8 Jun 2011) (‘CEDAW Enforcement Act’).

197. 兒童權利公約施行法 (Ertong quanli gongyue shixing fa [Implementation Act of the Convention on the Rights of the Child]) (4 Jun 2014) (‘CRC Implementation Act’).

198. 身心障礙者權利公約施行法 (Shenxin zhangai zhe quanli gongyue shixing fa [Act to Implement the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities]) (20 Aug 2014) (‘CRPD Implementation Act’).

199. ICCPR & ICESCR Implementation Act, arts 1, 2; CEDAW Enforcement Act, arts 1, 2; CRC Implementation Act, arts 1, 2; CRPD Implementation Act, arts 1, 2.

200. ICCPR & ICESCR Implementation Act, arts 4, 5; CEDAW Enforcement Act, art 4; CRC Implementation Act, art 4; CRPD Implementation Act, art 4.

201. ICCPR, arts 18, 21.

202. ICCPR, art 27 and General Comment No 23, paras 3.2, 7. The ICCPR's treaty body, the Human Rights Committee, has also issued some important decisions on indigenous peoples’ rights in the ICCPR's individual complaint procedure, for instance Ominayak and members of the Lubicon Lake Band v. Canada, Comm No 167/1984 (HRC, 26 Mar 1990) UN Doc Supp No 40 (A/45/40) at 1 (1990); Jouni E Länsman et al v Finland, Comm No 671/1995 (HRC, 30 Oct 1996) UN Doc CCPR/C/58/D/671/1995 (1996).

203. ICESCR, art 15.1 and General Comment No 21, paras 3, 7, 36, 37.

204. Covenants Watch and Taiwan Association for Human Rights, ‘Compendium of Alternative Replies to the Lists of Issues’ (22 Feb 2013) 28 (copy on file with author).

205. ICCPR & ICESCR Implementation Act, art 8; CRC Implementation Act, art 8; CRPD Implementation Act, art 10.

206. See eg Shadow Report 2016 (n 169).

207. From the author's own observations at the 2013 review meetings.

208. See Simon & Mona (n 168) 105; Hsieh, Shih-Chung, ‘From Shanbao to Yuanzhumin: Taiwan Aborigines in Transition’, in Rubinstein, Murray A (ed), Taiwan: A New History (Routledge 2007) 404, 410–411Google Scholar; Interview with Ms Tuhi Martukaw, Taipei, Taiwan, 13 Nov 2018; Kuan (n 182) 7.

209. ‘President Tsai apologizes to indigenous peoples on behalf of government’ (Office of the President, Republic of China (Taiwan), 1 Aug 2016) <https://english.president.gov.tw/NEWS/4950> accessed 2 Aug 2019.

210. 總統府原住民族歷史正義與轉型正義委員會設置要點 (Zongtong fu yuanzhuminzu lishi zhengyi yu zhuanxing zhengyi weiyuanhui shezhi yaodian) [Guidelines for Establishment of the Presidential Office Indigenous Historical Justice and Transitional Justice Committee] (promulgated on 1 Aug 2016) arts I–III <https://indigenous-justice.president.gov.tw/EN/Page/47> accessed 2 Aug 2019. Tsai and the DPP distinguish ‘transitional justice’ from ‘historical justice’ – the former covers the legacy of the KMT regime, whereas the latter concentrates on Taiwan's colonial history; Interview with Ms Kolas Yotaka (n 168); Abraham Gerber & Loa Iok-sin, ‘Tsai surprises protesting aborigines’ Taipei Times (4 Aug 2016) <www.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2016/08/04/2003652406> accessed 2 Aug 2019.

211. Lee Hsin-fang & Jonathan Chin, ‘Cabinet passes Aboriginal justice bill’ Taipei Times (7 May 2018) <www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2018/05/11/2003692891> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Ann Maxon, ‘Concessions deal blow to Aboriginal land rights: group’ Taipei Times (14 Aug 2018) <www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2018/08/14/2003698505> accessed 2 Aug 2019; Yu Hsiao-han & Elizabeth Hsu, ‘Indigenous groups demand transitional justice legislation’ (Focus Taiwan, 1 Aug 2017) <http://focustaiwan.tw/news/aipl/201708010027.aspx> accessed 2 Aug 2019.

212. ‘Gaya’ are living rules for the Atayal, Seediq, and Truku tribes: Lee, Ying, ‘Indigenous Knowledge Construction and Experiential Learning of Taiwanese Aborigines’ (2009) 2 International Education Studies 155, 157CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Simon, Scott, ‘Of Boars and Men: Indigenous Knowledge and Co-Management in Taiwan’ (2013) 72 Human Organization 220, 224CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

213. Of course, it is also urgent that the government takes the Basic Law's function as a framework law seriously and accelerates its efforts to fully implement it.