¹ The word “scramble” was used for the first time in relation to a territory by the London daily The Times in September 1884 at the time of the Berlin Conference. Wesseling, H. L., Imperialism and Colonialism: Essays on the History of European Expansion (Westport, CN, London, 1997), 87–99Google Scholar.

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³ Ballinger, Pamela, “La frantumazione dello spazio adriatico, [The Shattering of the Adriatic Space]” in Immaginare l'Adriatico, ed. Cocco, Emilio and Minardi, Everardo (Milan, 2007), 27–44Google Scholar.

⁴ Rumpler, Helmut, “Economia e potere politico. Il ruolo di Trieste nella politica di sviluppo economico di Vienna, [Economy and Political Power: The Role of Trieste in the Politics of Viennese Economic Development]” in Storia economica e sociale di Trieste, vol. 2, ed. Finzi, Roberto et al. , 55–124 (Trieste, 2003)Google Scholar; see also in the same volume Giovanni Panjek, “Una ‘commercial officina’ fra vie di mare e di terra, [A “Commercial Laboratory” Between Sea and Land Routes]” 235–348.

⁵ Čechura, Jaroslav, Hlavačka, Milan, “Handel und Kommunikationen in den böhmischen Ländern vom Mittelalter bis zur industriellen Revolution,” in Das Binnenhandel und die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, ed. Gyimesi, S., 200–240 (Budapest, 1989)Google Scholar, 220.

⁶ Berend, Ivan T., Decades of Crisis (Los Angeles, London, 1998)Google Scholar, 20.

⁷ For recent work on the national issue in the Adriatic space, see Cattaruzza, Marina, ed., Nazionalismi di frontiera. Identità contrapposte sull'Adriatico nord-orientale 1850–1950 [Border Nationalisms: Opposing Identities in the Northeastern Adriatic 1850–1950] (Soveria Mannelli, 2003)Google Scholar. A deeper insight into the French stance on the Adriatic space before World War I is revealed in Riosa, Alceo, Adriatico irredento. Italiani e Slavi sotto la lente francese (1793–1918)[Adriatico Irredento: Italians and Slavs Under the French Lens (1793–1918)] (Naples, 2009)Google Scholar.

⁸ On the Adriatic Sea as the internal sea of the Triple Alliance, see Wörsdörfer, Rolf, “Visioni germaniche dell'area adriatica. Dalla costruzione della Südbahn alla fine della seconda guerra mondiale [German Visions of the Adriatic Area: From the Laying of the Südbahn to the End of World War II]” in Adriatico contemporaneo, ed. Trinchese, Stefano and Caccamo, Francesco, 189–214 (Milan, 2008)Google Scholar.

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¹⁰ Braudel, Fernand, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, vol. 1, (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1995)Google Scholar, 131.

¹¹ Fortis, Alberto, Viaggio in Dalmazia [Journey to Dalmatia] (Venice, 1987)Google Scholar. The conceptualization of this phenomenon and the presentation of Fortis' and the enlightenment perspectives of the eastern Adriatic can be found in Wolff, Larry, Venezia e gli Slavi [Venice and the Slavs] (Rome, 2006)Google Scholar. For concepts of cooperation between the Italian and Slavic worlds, see Pirjevec, Jože, Niccolò Tommaseo tra Italia e Slavia [Niccoló Tommaseo: Between Italy and Slavdom] (Venice, 1977)Google Scholar; also Pirjevec, “Mazzini in južni Slovani, [Mazzini and the South Slavs]” Zgodovinski časopis [Historical Review], 27, 329–42. For the role of historians in the history of the northern Adriatic region, see Marta Verginella, “Zgodovinjenje slovensko-italijanske meje in obmejnega prostora, [Historization of the Slovene-Italian Border and of the Border Area]” Acta Histriae 18, nos. 1–2 (2010): 207–16. For multinationalism and regional identity in the eastern Adriatic space, see also Reill, Dominique, “A Mission of Mediation: Dalmatia's Multi-national Regionalism from the 1830s–60s,” in Different Paths to the Nation, ed. Cole, Laurence, 16–36 (Houndsmills, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹³ Among numerous publications on this issue, a recent one is Ferraioli, Giano Paolo, “La visione politica dell'Adriatico dalla fine dell'Ottocento agli esordi del fascismo, [The Political Vision of the Adriatic from the End of the 19th Century to the Beginning of the Fascist Era]” in Adriatico contemporaneo, ed. Trinchese, Stefano and Caccamo, Francesco, 189–214 (Milan, 2008)Google Scholar; in the same volume, see also Olga Tamburini, “‘Oltre la foschia.’ Orientalizzazione dell'Italia e percezione dell'Adriatico nel primo ventennio del Novecento, [‘Over the Haze’: Orientalization of Italy and the Perception of the Adriatic in the Frist Twenty Years of the 20th Century]” 41–64, and Piero di Girolamo, “Mare comune o terra di conquista? La percezione dell'Adriatico attraverso le riviste del fascismo. Il caso de ‘L'Adriatico,’[Common Sea or Land to conquer? The Perception of the Adriatic Through the Fascist Journals, The Case of the l'Adriatico]” 215–32. See also the special issue “La monarchia austro-ungarica tra irredentismi e nazionalismi. L'azione della Lega Nazionale ai confini italici, [The Austro-Hungarian Monarchy Between Irredentisms and Nationalisms: The Action of the Lega Nazionale at the Italic Border]” Quaderni giuliani di storia XV, 1 (1994)Google Scholar.

¹⁴ The continuity of nationalist rhetoric before and after World War I is reflected in Giulio Italico (Giuseppe Cobol), Guida descrittiva di Trieste (la fedele di Roma) e l'Istria (nobilissima) [Descriptive Guide of Trieste (The Loyal City of Rome) and Istria (The Noble)], (Trieste, 1923).

¹⁵ East, Gordon, Mediterranean Problems (London, 1940)Google Scholar, 102.

¹⁶ Frascani, Paolo, Il mare [The Sea] (Bologna, 2008), 125–66Google Scholar. Among the most recent publications on Mussolini's Mediterranean Empire, see Rodogno, Davide, Il nuovo ordine Mediterraneo. Le politiche di occupazione dell'Italia fascista in Europa, 1940–1943 [The New Mediterranean Order: The Politics of Occupation of Fascist Italy in Europe, 1940–1943] (Torino, 2003)Google Scholar; Burgwyn, James H., Empire on the Adriatic (New York, 2005)Google Scholar; Ben-Ghiat, Ruth and Fuller, Mia, eds., Italian Colonialism (New York, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and the classic work by Smith, Denis Mack, Mussolini's Roman Empire (New York, 1976)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Braudel, Mediterranean, 132.

¹⁸ Jenko, Simon, Pesmi [Poems] (Ljubljana, 2002)Google Scholar, 68.

¹⁹ Braudel, too, speaks of the assimilation of the Slavic population into the common Italian milieu and of “invented Italian genealogies.” Braudel, Mediterranean, 132.

²⁰ On the use of historical myths that can also be applied to the Adriatic space, see Kolstø, Pål, “Procjena uloge historijskih mitova u modernim društvoma, [Estimate of the Role of Historical Myths in Modern Societies]” Historijski mitovi na Balkanu [Historical Myths in the Balkans] (Sarajevo, 2002), 11–38Google Scholar.

²¹ Trieste/Trst and the part of the coast west of the town with fisherman villages, for example, Barcola/Barkovlje, Contovello/Kontovel, S. Croce/Križ, Aurisina/Nabrežina, and Duino/Devin, then represented the “Slovene coast.” Koper/Capodistria, Piran/Pirano, Izola/Isola, and other coastal towns that today are part of the Republic of Slovenia were mostly Italian, just as the previously mentioned villages were predominantly Slovene. As a result of changed political borders after the downfall of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Italian-Yugoslav conflict, and the later disintegration of Yugoslavia, today these are parts of Italy and Slovenia, respectively.

²² Jadranska zarja, 3 October 1869, 1.

²³ Negrelli, Giorgio, “Trieste nel mito [Trieste/Trst in the Myth],” Storia d'Italia. Il Friuli – Venezia Giulia. II [History of Italy: The Friuli–Venezia Giulia. II]. (Torino, 2002)Google Scholar, 1353; Verginella, Marta, “Mit o slovenskem Trstu, [The Myth of a Slovene Trieste/Trst]” Goriški letnik [Gorica Yearbook] 30/31 (2005): 94–96Google Scholar.

²⁴ A more recent edition of the map is Kozler, Peter, Zemljovid slovenske dežele in pokrajin [Map of Slovene Lands and Provinces] (Ljubljana, 1995)Google Scholar.

²⁵ Wörsdörfer, Visioni germaniche, 190–91.

²⁶ “To see the sea for the first time! How many of our fellow-countrymen, hermetically sealed into the hard frame of mountains, who sat inside that frame from their births to their deaths, have never been granted this joy? The idea of something infinitely broad and unfathomable, a conception of eternity itself, floated through our minds. The sea! The sea!” Bracewell, Wendy, Orientations. An Anthology of East European Travel Writing, ca. 1550–2000 (Budapest, 2009)Google Scholar, 163.

²⁷ Wörsdörfer, Visioni germaniche, 192.

²⁸ Cited in Judson, Pieter M., Guardians of the Nation: Activists on the Language Frontiers of Imperial Austria (Cambridge, 2006)Google Scholar, 105; cf. Dorsi, Pierpaolo, “La colletività di lingua tedesca. [The German-Speaking Community]” in Storia economica e sociale di Trieste, vol. 1, ed. Finzi, Roberto et al. , 547–71 (Trieste, 2001)Google Scholar.

²⁹ Among the most illustrative examples is the Slovene-Czech memorandum published during World War I by political leaders Anton Korošec and František Staněk, in which they opposed “Germanization and German invasion of the Adriatic Sea.” Slovenski narod, 8 May 1918, 1.

³⁰ Panjek, Giovanni, “La Cassa di Risparmio e il mercato del credito a Trieste, [The Cassa di Risparmio and the Credit Market in Trieste/Trst]” in La Cassa di Risparmio di Trieste 1842–2002 [The Cassa di Risparmio in Trieste/Trst 1842–2002], ed. Apollonio, Almerigo et al. , 99–136 (Roma-Bari, 2004)Google Scholar; see also Giudice, Giuseppe Lo, Trieste, l'Austria ed il canale di Suez [Trieste/Trst, Austria and the Suez Canal] (Catania, 1979)Google Scholar.

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³² For a general insight into banking in the Habsburg Empire before World War I, see Michel, Bernard, Banques & banquiers en Autriche au debut du 20' siecle [Banks and Bankers in Austria at the Beginning of the 20th Century] (Paris, 1976)Google Scholar. On the growing importance of Czech banking trusts in Southern and Central Europe, see also: Nečas, Na pragu [On the Threshold]; Nečas, Podnikání českých bank v cizině 1898–1918 [The Business of Czech Banks Abroad 1898–1918] (Brno,1993); Nečas, , “Zahraniční angažmá bankovního koncernu Sporobanky, [The International Engagement of the Sporobanka]” Sborník prací Filozofické fakulty brněnské Univerzity [Proceedings of the Philosophical Faculty of the University of Brno] 40 (1993): 81–92Google Scholar; and Horejsek, Jaroslav, “Kapitálová expanze Živnostenské banky do jihovýchodní Evropy v letech 1907–1918 [The Captial Expansion of the Živnostenská Banka to Southeastern Europe in the Years 1907–1918],” Historica XV. Acta Universitatis Palackianae Olomoucensis (Prague, 1971)Google Scholar.

³³ Michel, Banques & banquiers, 75.

³⁴ Kosatík, Pavel, Bankéř první republiky. Život Jaroslava Preisse [The Banker of the First Republic: The Life of Jaroslav Preiss] (Prague, 1996)Google Scholar, 32.

³⁵ “une des positions dominantes du capital slave dans sa lutte contre la pénétration allemande.” Michel, Banques & banquiers, 75.

³⁶ Despite the growing influence of a “Slavic” economy in Trieste, it would be erroneous to consider a “Slavic” economy to be a homogeneous unit, somehow in competition with allegedly homogeneous German and Italian economic units. More detailed studies are necessary, but a distinction has to be made between the plans of the Jadranska banka, which initially could not be understood as an attempted “economic conquest” of Trieste/Trst, and the efforts of the Živnostenská banka, which were supported by a much more solid and developed financial network and that viewed Trieste/Trst as a focus for Czech advances in the southern parts of the Habsburg state; cf. Michel, Banques & banquiers, 75; Sapelli, Giulio, Trieste italiana. Mito e destino economico [Italian Trieste: Myth and Economic Destiny] (Milan, 1990)Google Scholar, 30; Verginella, Marta, “Sloveni a Trieste tra Sette e Ottocento. Da comunità etnica a minoranza nazionale [Slovenes in Trieste/Trst in the 18th and 19th Centurues: From Ethnic Community to National Minority]” in Storia economica e sociale di Trieste, vol. I, ed. Finzi, , Panjek, , 441–81 (Trieste, 2001)Google Scholar; Pahor, Milan, Jadranska banka v Trstu [Jadranska Bank in Trieste/Trst] (Trst, 1996)Google Scholar, 24.

³⁷ Hlas Adrie, 1 March 1911, 1.

³⁸ Edinost, 14 December 1910, 3.

³⁹ Edinost, 14 March 1911, 3.

⁴⁰ Edinost, 14 March 1911, 3. Despite the short-lived nature of the yacht club, its establishment conveyed a powerful symbolic charge and represented a concrete, almost “physical” appropriation of the Adriatic Sea.

⁴¹ Edinost, 8 November 1911, 1.

⁴² For more about this topic, see Klabjan, Borut, Češkoslovaška na Jadranu [Czechoslovakia on the Adriatic] (Koper, 2007)Google Scholar.

⁴³ Pleterski, Janko, Prva odločitev Slovencev za Jugoslavijo [The First Decision of Slovenes for Yugoslavia] (Ljubljana, 1971)Google Scholar; Paulová, Milada, Tajný výbor Maffie a spolupráce s Jihoslovany v letech 1916–1918 [The Secret Committee Mafia and Their Collaboration with the Yugoslavs in the Years 1916–1918] (Prague, 1968)Google Scholar. For a longer perspective, see also Rusinow, Dennison, Italy's Austrian Heritage, 1919–1946 (Oxford, 1969)Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ Extracts from Masaryk cited in Galandauer, Jan, Vznik Československé republiky 1918. Programy, projekty, perspektivy [The Rise of the Czechoslovak Republic 1918: Programs, Projects, Prospectives] (Prague, 1988), 271–72Google Scholar.

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⁴⁷ Among the earliest ones certainly was Randi, Oscar, L'Adriatico. Studio geografico, storico e politico [The Adriatic: A Geographical, Historical and Political Study] (Milan, 1914)Google Scholar; Tamaro, Attilio, L'Adriatico golfo d'Italia [The Adriatic Gulf of Italy] (1915)Google Scholar; Tamaro, , Italiani e Slavi nell'Adriatico (Rome, 1915)Google Scholar; Iverardi, Giuseppe, Per l'italianità geografica del Quarnaro [For the Geographical Italianità of the Quarnaro] (Rome, 1915)Google Scholar; Cassi, Gellio, Il mare Adriatico. Sua funzione attraverso i tempi [The Adriatic Sea: Its Function Through Time] (Milan, 1915)Google Scholar. Cassi's book's motto is D'Annunzio's verse from the poem “La Nave:” “Dear Lord, redeem the Adriatic! Free the Adriatic to your people! Homeland to the Veneti the whole Adriatic!”

⁴⁸ See also the map in Senator, 'Italicus, La question de L'Adriatique [The Adriatic Question] (Rome, 1916)Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Among the earliest publications, see Manifestations Yougoslaves contre L'imperialisme Italien [Yugoslav Manifestations Against Italian Imperialism] (Paris, 1919)Google Scholar, or the texts in the Yugoslav newspaper intended for an Italian readership L'Adriatico Jugoslavo, e.g., 29 March 1919, 1. On Slovene hopes placed in American President Wilson and their later disappointment, see Lipušček, Uroš, Ave Wilson. ZDA in prekrajanje Slovenije v Versaillesu 1919–1920 [USA and the Division of Slovenia at Versailles] (Ljubljana, 2003)Google Scholar.

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