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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 08 June 2022
Between the late-twelfth and early-sixteenth centuries, much music (both liturgical and non-liturgical) was written in honour of St Thomas of Canterbury. However, in the 1530s his cult became a major target for reformers and, in 1538, Henry VIII (1491-1547) ordered the destruction of his shrine and the obliteration of all music written in his honour. This article will examine how music composed to memorialise St Thomas was treated during the Reformation and Counter-Reformation. It explores the process of self-censorship prompted by Henry’s proclamation on the cult of St Thomas that led to his erasure from liturgical books in England. It analyses the attempts by reformers to discredit music concerning St Thomas, particularly by radical reformer John Bale (1495-1563). Finally, it examines music that was composed by Catholics for St Thomas during the Counter-Reformation and asks what it can tell us about the state of the cult in the late sixteenth century. This approach results in an overview of St Thomas’ cult during the later sixteenth century and contributes to our understanding of changing conceptions of the saint by Catholic communities in the post-Reformation world.
I wish to express my gratitude and appreciation to Professor Emma Dillon and Professor David d’Avray for their guidance, encouragement, and commitment throughout the doctoral research process from which this article is derived. I am also grateful to the anonymous reviewers of this article, whose feedback was very helpful. Finally, I wish to thank my family for their continued love and support.
1 Raphael Holinshed, Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland, 3 vols (London: J. Johnson et. al., 1807-1808), 2:147.
2 By the late medieval period there were some eighty parish churches named after St Thomas across England and Wales. Peter Marshall, ‘Thomas Becket, William Warham and the Crisis of the Early Tudor Church’, The Journal of Ecclesiastical History (hereafter JEH) 71/2 (2020): 299.
3 The most comprehensive study of St Thomas’ destruction can be found in Margaret Aston, Broken Idols of the English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016): 361-401.
4 British Library, London (hereafter BL), Add. MS 34191, fols. 23r-24v.
5 An overview of the surviving liturgies, their creation, and dissemination can be found in Kay Brainerd Slocum, Liturgies in Honour of Thomas Becket (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2004).
6 For an overview of surviving musical material in relation to St Thomas, see Katherine Emery, ‘Music, Politics, and Sanctity: The Cult of Thomas Becket, 1170-1580’, (PhD diss., King's College London, 2021), 350-365.
7 Lloyd de Beer and Naomi Speakman, Thomas Becket: Murder and the Making of a Saint (London: The British Museum Press, 2021), 218.
8 Ibid ., 213. For an exploration of the instrument case’s iconography, see Louise Hampson and John Jenkins, ‘A Barber-Surgeon’s Instrument Case: Seeing the Iconography of Thomas Becket through a Netherlandish Lens’, Arts 49 (2021): 1-24.
9 Studies that explore Henry’s destruction of Becket’s cult include: Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, 1400-1580 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1992), 355-60; Phyllis B. Roberts, ‘Thomas Becket: The Construction and Deconstruction of a Saint from the Middle Ages to the Reformation’ in Beverly Mayne Kienzle, ed. Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons: Proceedings of the International Symposium, Textes et ètudes du moyen âge 5 (Louvain-la-Neuve: Federation internationale des Instituts d'études médiévales, 1996), 1-22; Peter Roberts, ‘Politics, Drama and the Cult of Thomas Becket in the Sixteenth Century’ in Colin Morris and Peter Roberts, eds. Pilgrimage: The English Experience from Becket to Bunyan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 361-401; Robert E. Scully, ‘The Unmaking of a Saint: Thomas Becket and the English Reformation’, Catholic Historical Review 86 (2000): 579-602; Aston, Broken Idols, 361-401; Marshall, ‘Crisis of the Early Tudor Church’, 293-315.
10 Highlighting a passing comment by the thirteenth-century music theorist Johannes de Grocheio, Christopher Page argued that the earliest motets were intended for performance during the public feasts a bishop had with the choir the day after a liturgical celebration. Christopher Page, ‘Around the Performance of a 13th-Century Motet’, Early Music 28/3 (2000): 348-51. In the case of the conductus, Mark Everist has stated that searching for a unified function for the genre is an ‘exercise in futility’ but has argued that it possibly found a home in monastic refectories or secular chapter houses. Mark Everist, Discovering Medieval Song: Latin Poetry and Music in the Conductus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018), 48-62, quote at 48. There is similar conflicting evidence over the performance context of carols. Rossell Hope Robbins was the first to suggest that carols first emerged as processional pieces: see Rossell Hope Robbins, ‘Middle English Carols as Processional Hymns’, Studies in Philology 56/4 (1959): 559-82. However, Stevens has pointed out that no carol was every expressly labelled for this purpose. John Stevens, ‘Carol’ in New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie, 2nd edn. (London: Grove, 2001), 162-73.
11 Everist, Discovering Medieval Song, 1.
12 Joseph Kerman, The Masses and Motets of William Byrd (London and Boston: Faber & Faber, 1981), 46. For a study of performance contexts of sixteenth-century Catholic music, see John Milsom, ‘Sacred Songs in the Chamber’ in John Morehen, ed. English Choral Practice, 1400-1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 161-79.
13 Denis Stevens, ‘Music in Honor of St Thomas of Canterbury’, The Musical Quarterly 56/3 (1970): 311-48; Andrew Hughes, Late Medieval Liturgical Offices: Resources for Electronic Research (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1994); Emery, ‘Music, Politics, and Sanctity’, 350-65.
14 Katy Gibbons, ‘Saints in Exile: The Cult of Saint Thomas of Canterbury and Elizabethan Catholics in France’, Recusant History 29/3 (2009): 315-40.
15 Quoted from John Butler, The Quest for Becket’s Bones: The Mystery of the Relics of St Thomas Becket of Canterbury (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 120.
16 Butler presented five possibilities of what happened to Becket’s bones, of which only one contends that they were burned. Ibid., 135-55.
17 Peter Marshall has argued Henry VIII’s move against St Thomas was surprisingly late in the game, given that opposition to the Becket cult had been growing in the years leading up to its destruction and that Henry’s political opponents had used Becket’s memory as justification for their opposition. Marshall, ‘Crisis of the Early Tudor Church’, 314-5.
18 Paul L. Hughes and James F. Larkin, eds. Tudor Royal Proclamations: The Early Tudors (1485-1553), 2 vols (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1964), 1:275.
19 Ibid., 276.
20 Margaret Aston has detailed the extent of the damage to art and architecture connected to the unmaking of Becket’s sanctity in Broken Idols, 361-401.
21 Tudor Royal Proclamations, 1:276.
22 Nevertheless, the idea of a conservative backlash in the late 1530s has been nuanced, with Alec Ryrie in particular arguing that the Six Articles (1539) were not as traditionalist as first thought, as five of the six articles had been negotiated with the alliance of German Lutheran princes known as the Schmalkaldic League, and there was much reformist belief that was not penalised by the articles. Alec Ryrie, The Gospel and Henry VIII (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 27-39.
23 Roberts, ‘Politics, Drama’, 221. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 298, fol. 2r.
24 de Beer and Speakman, Thomas Becket, 222.
25 For a summary of the use of religious art by early Protestant movements, see Susan Hardman Moore, ‘Calvinism and the Arts’, Theology in Scotland 16/2 (2009): 75-92. For Luther’s changing attitude to the practice of pilgrimage, see Matthew R. Anderson, ‘Luther and the Trajectories of Western Pilgrimage’, International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage 7/1 (2019): 52-61.
26 The phrase was coined by Peter Marshall, but first appears in Alec Ryrie, ‘The Strange Death of Reformation England’, JEH 52 (2002): 67.
27 Richard Rex, ‘The Religion of Henry VIII’, The Historical Journal (hereafter HJ) 57/1 (2014): 11; George Bernard, ‘The Piety of Henry VIII’, in N.S. Amos, A. Pettegree and H. van Nierop, eds. The Education of a Christian Society: Humanism and Reformation in Britain and the Netherlands. Papers Delivered to the Thirteenth Anglo-Dutch Historical Conference, 1997 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 1999), 73.
28 Scully, ‘Unmaking of a Saint’, 598.
29 Aston, Broken Idols, 444.
30 J.C. Russell, ‘The Canonisation of Opposition to the King in Angevin England’ in C.H. Taylor, ed. Anniversary Essays in Medieval History by Students of Charles Homer Haskins (Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1929), 288.
31 Candace Lines, ‘“Secret Violence”: Becket, More, and the Scripting of Martyrdom’, Religion & Literature, Faith and Faction: Religious Heterodoxy in the English Renaissance 32/3 (2000): 16-7.
32 Alec Ryrie, ‘The Second Martyrdom of Thomas Becket’, Annual Becket Lecture, Canterbury Christ Church University, 10 March 2010.
33 Tudor Royal Proclamations, 1:275.
34 Alec Ryrie, ‘The Liturgical Commemoration of the English Reformation’ in Alexandra Walsham, Bronwyn Wallace, Ceri Law, and Brian Cummings, eds. Memory and the English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 427.
35 Alexandra Walsham, ‘Miracles and the Counter-Reformation Mission to England’, HJ 46/4 (2003): 794.
36 Michael Camille, ‘Obscenity Under Erasure: Censorship in Medieval Illuminated Manuscripts’ in Jan M. Ziolkowski, ed. Obscenity: Social Control and Artistic Creation in the European Middle Ages (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 140.
37 Marie-Pierre Gelin, ‘The Citizens of Canterbury and the Cult of St Thomas Becket’ in Catherine Royer-Hemet, ed. Canterbury: A Medieval City (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010), 94-5.
38 Translation taken from The Council of Constance: The Unification of the Church, ed. J.H. Mundy and K.M. Woody, trans. Louise Ropes Loomis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1961), 146-7.
39 Translation taken from John Stone’s Chronicle: Christ Church Priory, Canterbury, 1317-1472, ed. and trans. Meriel Connor, Documents of Practice Series (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 2010), 127.
40 Jeremy J. Smith, ‘Thomas Becket: Damnatio Memoriae and the Marking of Books’, International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church (henceforth IJSCC) 20/3-4 (2020): 272.
41 Cambridge University Library, MS Kk.6.14. By 1486, Kk.6.14 was at St Paul’s Cathedral, London, and during the sixteenth century was in possession of the Dun family and later Richard Amadas of Great Hallingbury, Essex (d. 1629). See Paul Binski and Patrick Zutshi, Western Illuminated Manuscripts: A Catalogue of the Collection in Cambridge University Library (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 339.
42 BL, King’s MS 9, fol. 39r.
43 BL, Stowe MS 12, fol. 270r.
44 Beinecke Library, Yale, Osborn a44, fols. 6v, 14r; Duffy, Stripping of the Altars, 418-9.
45 Canterbury, Cathedral Library, Add. MS 6. The breviary was largely destroyed by a fire in 1674, but the offices for Becket had been removed before this date. See Richard W. Pfaff, The Liturgy in Medieval England: A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 242.
46 Cambridge University Library, Add. MS 6688, fols. 28v-29r. During the Reformation, the manuscript was probably at the parish church of St John the Baptist in Bromsgrove, Worcester. It had been given to the church by the Prior of Worcester Cathedral Priory in 1521. Binski and Zutshi, Western Illuminated Manuscripts, 226.
47 Aude de Mézerac-Zanetti, ‘Liturgical Developments in England under Henri VIII (1534-1547)’, (PhD diss., University of Durham, 2011), 184.
48 The phrase ‘aural turn’ was coined in Nick Yablon, ‘Echoes of the City: Spacing Sound, Sounding Space, 1888-1916’, American Literary History 19 (2007): 629. The best overview of and case for the ‘aural turn’ in medieval studies is Beth Williamson, ‘Sensory Experience in Medieval Devotion: Sound and Vision, Invisibility and Silence’, Speculum 88/1 (2013): 1-43.
49 Beth Williamson, ‘Altarpieces, Liturgy, and Devotion’, Speculum 79/2 (2004): 387.
50 Emma Dillon, The Sense of Sound: Musical Meaning in France, 1260-1330 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 296.
51 Peter Davidson, ‘Recusant Catholic Spaces in Early Modern England’ in Ronald Corthell, Frances E. Dolan, Christopher Highley, and Arthur D. Marotti, eds. Catholic Culture in Early Modern England (Notre Dame, IND: University of Notre Dame Press, 2007), 25.
52 Brian Cummings, ‘The Wounded Missal: Iconoclasm, Ritual and Memory in Reformation England’ in Alexandra Walsham, Bronwyn Wallace, Ceri Law, and Brian Cummings, eds. Memory and the English Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 368.
53 Bale was not, as previously argued, a contemporary of Cranmer at Jesus College, Cambridge. See Richard Rex, ‘John Bale, Geoffrey Downes and Jesus College’, JEH 49/3 (1998): 486-93.
54 Victor Houliston, ‘St Thomas Becket in the Propaganda of the English Counter-Reformation’, Renaissance Studies (hereafter RS) 7/1 (1993), 45.
55 Roberts, ‘Politics, Drama’, 234.
56 The reign of King John was actually a popular discussion point for reformers. See Carole Levin, Propaganda in the English Reformation: Heroic and Villainous Images of King John (Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1989).
57 André Vauchez has argued the hagiographic archetype of ‘aristocratic bishop-martyr’was based on the model of Thomas Becket, and many cults directly imitated it. André Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages, trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 168-71.
58 For an examination of the political purposes of the translation ceremony, see Richard Eales, ‘The Political Setting of the Becket Translation of 1220’, Studies in Church History (hereafter SCH) 30 (1993), 127-39. On Langton’s relationship with the Canterbury monks, see Katherine Emery, ‘Architecture, Space and Memory: Liturgical Representation of Thomas Becket, 1170-1220’, Journal of the British Archaeological Association (hereafter JBAA) 173:1 (2020): 68-73.
59 Given that the office was probably partially drawn from a sermon entitled Tractatus de translatione Beati Thomae that Langton preached at a synod held in July 1221, it was probably composed after this date. See Phyllis B. Roberts, Selected Sermons of Stephen Langton (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1980), 10. More precise dating for the office can be found in Sherry L. Reames, ‘Reconstructing and Interpreting a Thirteenth-Century Office for the Translation of Thomas Becket’, Speculum 80 (2005): 118-70.
60 Slocum, Liturgies, 280. ‘Quodam nempe noctis sepulcro Stephanus archiepiscopus Cantuariensis et Ricardus episcopus Sarebiriensis Walterus prior et totus conventus cum devocione debita ad sepulcrum accedentes. Oracionibus assiduis per noctantes insistebant mane quibus facto aperientes sepulcrum, invenerunt illud quondam spiritus sancti organum episcopalibus ornanistis involutum. Et omnibus cum lacriminis exultacionis per gaudio psallentibus… corpus sustulerunt et in capsam ligneam in locum honestum, usque ad diem translacionis sollempnitur celebrandam locaverunt.’
61 Stowe MS 12, fol. 270r.
62 Dermot Cavanagh, ‘The Paradox of Sedition in John Bale’s “King Johan”’, English Literary Renaissance 31/2 (2001), 172.
63 John Bale, ‘King Johan’, in Peter Happé, ed. The Complete Plays of John Bale: Volume 1 (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1985), 61.
64 Aston, Broken Idols, 394.
65 Duffy, Stripping of the Altars, 355.
66 Peter Marshall, ‘Forgery and Miracles in the Reign of Henry VIII’, Past and Present 178 (2003), 59.
67 Duffy, Stripping of the Altars, 349.
68 Bale, ‘King Johan’, 65, ll. 1391-93.
69 Ibid ., 144, ll. A34-5.
70 Ibid ., 9, ll. 2559-64.
71 While the debate about the role of music in worship was considerable amongst reformers of this period, the circle in which Bale moved was particularly critical of music. In 1544, Cranmer sent a letter to Henry VIII detailing his disdain for polyphony and melisma, arguing that music should be syllabic so not to dilute the power of the Word. See Katherine Steele Brokow, Staging Harmony: Music and Religious Change in Late Medieval and Early Modern English Drama (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2016), 53.
72 Katherine Steele Brokaw, ‘Music and Religious Compromise in John Bale’s Plays’, Comparative Drama 44/3 (2010): 326.
73 Ibid ., 326.
74 Brokow, Staging Harmony, 55.
75 Edwin Shepard Miller, ‘The Roman Rite in Bale’s King Johan’, PMLA 64 (1949): 802-22.
76 Peter Happé, The Complete Plays of John Bale: Volume 1 (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1985), 24.
77 Bale, ‘King Johan’, 93.
78 Brokaw, ‘Music and Religious Compromise’, 341.
79 Hughes, Late Medieval Liturgical Offices, not paginated.
80 Stevens, ‘Music in Honor’, 346-8. Appendix III of my thesis, ‘Music, Politics, and Sanctity’, lists thirty-two pieces, but since then an additional source has been brought to my attention: ‘Missa Thomas’, a mass setting dating from the mid-fifteenth century found in Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, San Pietro B 80, fols. 166v-181. For a discussion of this piece, see Christopher Reynolds, ‘The Origins of San Pietro B 80 and the Development of a Roman Sacred Repertory’, Early Music History 1 (1981): 284-6.
Stevens, ‘Music in Honor’, 346-8.
81 Peter Leech, ‘Gaudeamus omnes: Catholic Liturgical Music for St Thomas Becket in the British Isles, Continental Europe and the Venerable English College, Rome, c. 1170-2020’ in Maurice Whitehead, ed. Memory, Martyrs, and Mission: Essays to Commemorate the 850th Anniversary of the Martyrdom of St Thomas Becket (c. 1118-1170) (EBook: Kindle, 2020), 149-50.
82 Hughes, Late Medieval Liturgical Offices, not paginated.
83 ‘Honorabilis Angliae,/ Acceptabilis Galliae,/ Desiderabilis ubique,/ Dux evangelice,/ Legate apostolice,/ Praeco Dei in finibus terrae,/ O Thoma, digne,/ Apostolico nomine,/ Qui reges et nationes/ Incredulas/ Christo lucraris.’ Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, ed. Guido M. Dreves and Clemens Blume, vol. 17 (Leipzig: O.R. Reisland, 1894), 179, no. 67.
84 Processionale ad usus insignis ecclesie Sarum… purgatum at que tersam (Antwerp: vid. Christophor Ruremundensis, 1544).
85 Roberts, ‘Construction and Deconstruction’, 19. For an overview of liturgical prints under Mary I, see Eamon Duffy, Fires of Faith under Mary Tudor (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2009), 59.
86 Scully, ‘Unmaking of a Saint’, 599.
87 Cologne, Historisches Archiv der Stadt, MS W 28, fol. 173b.
88 Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum MS 369, fols. 105r-107v. The manuscript came from the Cluniac Priory of St Pancras at Lewes in Sussex and was probably copied sometime in the late thirteenth century. Heinrich Hussmann has suggested this particular manuscript was copied from a Canterbury exemplar. Heinrich Hussmann, ‘Zur Überlieferung der Thomas-Offizien’ in Organicae Voces: Festschrift Joseph Smits van Waesberghe (Amsterdam: Instituut voor Middeleeuwse Musiekwetenschap, 1963), 87-8.
89 Bertil Nilsson, ‘The Cult of Saint Thomas Becket in the Swedish Church Province during the Middle Ages’, IJSCC 20:2-4 (2020): 233.
90 Gibbons, ‘Saints in Exile’, 328.
91 The Douay College Diaries: Third, Fourth, and Fifth, 1598-1654, with the Rheims Report, 1579-80, ed. Edwin H. Burton and Thomas L. Williams, Publications of the Catholic Record Society, Vol. 1 (London: J. Whitehead and Sons, 1911), 336.
92 Gibbons, ‘Saints in Exile’, 329-30.
93 Roberts, ‘Politics, Drama’, 235-6, quote at 235.
94 Houliston, ‘St Thomas Becket’, 70.
95 For an overview of Novus miles sequitur, see Mark Everist, ‘Anglo-French Interaction in Music, c. 1170-c.1300’, Revue belge de Musicologie/Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Muziekwetenschap 46 (1992): 8-10.
96 The two conductuses can be found in Florence, Biblioteca Laurenziana, Pluteus 29/1, fols. 230r-230v, 373v.
97 The manuscripts in question are Aosta, Seminario Maggiore, I-AO 15; Trent (Trento), Museo Provinciale d’Arte, Castello del Buonconsiglio, MS 1374 [87]; Trent (Trento), Museo Provinciale d’Arte, Castello del Buonconsiglio, MS 1377 [90]; Trent (Trento), Biblioteca Capitolare/Museo Diocesano di Trento, MS BL Trent 93.
98 Leech, ‘Gaudeamus omnes’, 155.
99 Ibid , 159-63.
100 A modern edition can be found at Viertes Nachtrag zur Gesammtausgabe, Herausgegeben von Franz Xaver Haberl, ed. Franz Xacer Haberl, 4th Supplement (Leipzing: Breitkopf & Härtel, 1907), 34-6.
101 ‘Opem nobis, Thoma, porrige/ Rege stantes, iacentes erige,/ Mores, actus, et vitam corrige,/ Et in pacis nos viam dirige’. Translation taken from Slocum, Liturgies, 207.
102 The first is the fragmentary ‘[O mores perditos]/… agant infera-… et dileccio/T: Opem nobis’ which dates from around 1300 and is found in two surviving sources: Cambridge, Jesus College, MS QB 5, fol. 138 and Göttingen, Niedersächsische Staats-und Universitätsbibliothek, MS Theol. 220g, fols. 1-2v. The second is the mass-setting ‘Credo: Patrem omnipoitentem/Patrem omnipotentem/T: Opem nobis’ by Leonel Power (d. 1445) and appears in BL, Add. MS 57950 ‘Old Hall Manuscript’, fols. 71v-72.
103 These five motets come from across Europe: ‘Ianuam quam clauserat/Iacintus in saltibus/T: Iacet granum’, a fourteenth-century English motet found in Oxford, New College Library 362, fols. 84v-85r; ‘O creator Deus pulcherrimi/Phi millies ad te, triste pecus/T: Iacet granum’, which was written circa 1340-1360 by Philippe de Vitry (d. 1361), and is found in Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, lat. 3343, fols. 71v-72; two anonymous fifteenth-century mass-settings ‘Gloria: Et in terra pax/T: Iacet granum’ and ‘Sanctus/T: Iacet granum’ found in several Alpine sources including Aosta, Seminario Maggiore, I-AO 15, fols. 82v-84, 214v-216; ‘Sanctus/T: Iacet granum’ by John Benet (d. 1458) found in two Alpine sources including Trent (Trento), Museo Provinciale d’Arte, Castello del Buonconsiglio, MS 1377 [90], fols. 249-50.
104 London, Westminster Abbey, Westminster Abbey Muniments 33325, fols. 2r-2v.
105 Stevens, ‘Music in Honor’, 337.
106 Gibbons, ‘Saints in Exile’, 315-40.
107 For an overview of the English College, the altarpiece, and the frescoes, see Carol M. Richardson, ‘St Thomas at the English College in Rome’, JBAA 173 (2020): 183-203.
108 Marshall, ‘Crisis of the Early Tudor Church’, 315.
109 Lines, ‘“Secret Violence”’, 16.
110 Nicholas Harpsfield, The Life and Death of Sir Thomas More, ed. E.V. Hitchcock and R.W. Chambers, Early English Text Society O.S. 186 (London: 1932), 214-7.
111 Alison Shell, Oral Culture and Catholicism in Early Modern England (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 144.
112 R. Barrie Dobson, ‘Contrasting Cults: St Cuthbert of Durham and St Thomas of Canterbury in the Fifteenth Century’, in Simon Ditchfield ed. Christianity and Community in the West: Essays for John Bossy (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), 41.
