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¹⁹ The Sullivan Index is calculated using the proportions of foreign born, Catholics and Jews, education, housing and income levels, and occupation distribution in each state. We use the version of the measure updated using 1980 census data in Morgan, D. and Wilson, L., ‘Diversity in the American States: Updating the Sullivan Index’, Publius, 20 (1990), 71–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar State population demographics (population over 65 years of age, the number of farms) were taken from Statistical Abstract of the United States 1992.

²⁰ The state conservatism measure is derived from extensive pooling of exit polls and is found in Erikson, R., Mclver, J. and Wright, G. Jr, ‘State Political Culture and Public Opinion’, American Political Science Review, 81 (1987), 797–813.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The data for the third-party vote were collected from the America Votes series. We considered ‘the South’ to be the states of the Confederacy.

²¹ The party competition measure was taken from Stanley, H. and Niemi, R., Vital Statistics on American Politics, 3rd edn (Washington, DC: CQ Press, 1992), p. 138.Google Scholar We used the traditional party organization measure developed in Mayhew, D., Placing Parties in American Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1986).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²² State populstion manages to account for less than half of the variance in signatures required (adjusted R ² = 0.46). Further, when state population is added as a fourth independent variable in the Strategic Parties model (Table 1), the electoral vote coefficient is still highly significant (t = 3.611). Clearly, population by itself offers a poor explanation of requirements for access to the ballot.

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²⁴ The last state was Arizona. See Hevesi, Dennis, ‘Perot drive files petitions for ballot in New York’, New York Times, 28 08 1992Google Scholar; Broder, David S. and Dionne, E. J. Jr, ‘Perot vows to pressure candidates on economy; Texan may re-enter race to get TV time’, Washington Post, 19 09 1992.Google Scholar