The kitāb al-fisal wa'l-nihal by Ibn Hazm has been expanded by the insertion of pamphlets which were originally separate works; see Friedlaender's article in the Noeldeke Festschrift. The British Museum manuscript Or. 843 does not contain these additions, but does contain a summary of theological ideas which is not in the printed book. This summary is in five sections, the tenets of the Qadariyya, Murji'a, Khawārij, and Shī'a, and what was thought about 'Alī. Friedlaender published the passage on the Shl'a in Heterodoxies of the Shiites, 1, 78 f., so there is no need to repeat it here. Expositions of Muslim dogma tend to be static; this one tries to be dynamic., to show that one idea grew out of another, often as a reaction. The passage is simple and does not need a translation, but some notes may be useful. As the copy was made some years ago and the MS. is not available, there is no point in attempting a full critical apparatus.

In preparing a bibliography of the modern South Arabic languages I came across the only document of the dialect of Curia Muria. It is J. G. Hulton's article, “ Notice on the Curia Muria Island,” in the Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society, 3 (1840), 183–197.2 This article, in which the author gives a detailed description of the island and its inhabitants, contains a list of 103 words in English, Arabic, and in the dialect of Curia Muria.3

Some scheme of political organization can also be detected in the text of Vīs u Rāmīn.

The capital Marv is definitely considered the centre of a world monarchy, within the limits which we have tried to elucidate.1 Mōbad is the king of kings, shahriyār, to whom all the shahs owe obedience (banda būdand) (p. 28). His personal dominions he in North-Eastern Iran and are surrounded by a belt of vassal territories (abaristān, Gurgān, Dihistān, Khwārazm, etc.), but politically his authority extends to Media and beyond it to Transcaucasia (Arrān) and Armenia, reaching even the Mediterranean and North African territories.

JALĀL AL-DĪN RŪMĪ in Maihnawi, ii, 3478 sqq., recounts a story of a saint J falsely accused of theft, and of the miraculous manner in which he cleared himself. R. A. Nicholson in his annotation to the passage (vol. vii, p. 359) comments: “ Saints accused of theft, who produce miraculous proof of their innocence, appear in many legends related by Moslem hagiographers.”

It is surprising that the Manichaean religion did not become altogether submerged in the slime of witchcraft and sorcery. There were countless demons to be warded off and nearly as many divine and semi-divine beings that could be invoked. Mani, it is true, had regarded his " gods " as hardly more than exponents of particular functions of the Godhead, and had been conscious of the inadequacy of the anthropomorphic terms he had ill-advisedly employed:the resplendent hosts, he said in his Treasure of Life, will be called young women and virgins, fathers and mothers, sons, brothers and sisters, because such is the custom in the books of the prophets. In the country of joy there is neither male nor female... they do not differ from each other in weakness and force, in length and shortness, in figure and looks; they are like similar lamps which are lighted by the same lamp and nourished by the same material (Beruni, India, transl., i, 39).

I have explained the first member in my article in KZ., 68, 218 f. (relationship to Arm. eres). The meaning of the second member is certainly near that of the first, since we evidently have to do with an old dvandva. I would suggest connection with the root of Olr. Mlr. bind “ melodious ’, Skt. bhand- “ worship, exhilarate, shine ”, IE. *bhend- “ ± sing ” (Walde-Pokorny, 2, 151). For the semantic development “ ± countenance ” from “ ± sing ”, cf. Skt. vadana- “ mouth, face ” and vad- “ speak, sound ”, and also Toch. A. sunk-, B. sähkw- “ muzzle ”, related to Grk. όμΦ “ voice ”, Goth, siggwan, OHG., OS. singan “ sing ” (cf. my Lexique etymologique des dialectes tokhariens, 127, and my Morphologie comparee du tokharien, 45).

I have connected this adverb with Skt. atha,having the same meaning, and with OHG. unti, anti, enti =OE., Eng. and,Germ, und(cf. BSL.,41, 184 and also my Lexique (étymologiqbe des dialectes tokhariens),20);the Tocharian form agrees with Skt. athain its root-vocalism:both Sanskrit and Tocharian show the weak grade, IE. *nth-.This etymology, however, leaves the w-suffix of Toch. B. entweunexplained:for -weI have only assumed a secondary origin. At present this view seems no more plausible to me:several extended forms of Skt. atharender imperative a primary origin. Skt. athais attested with following him(“yes, well ”, in dialogue), with following ajri(“nevertheless ”), and with following uand vā.Skt. atha + umeans “afterwards, then, and, even ”, and Skt. atha+vā“or, or also, or even, etc.”Both Skt. atha + uand atha+ vāmay be the formal equivalents of Toch. B. entwe,but an original *-vē-extension is more probable for the Tocharian form, since the final of the Indo-European words is dropped in this language.

One of the most important works of the great Tatar poet Gabdulla Tuqaj (27th April, 1886, to 15th April, 1913) 1 is said to be the poem “Şyrale (The Forest-Demon) ”, written in 1907. There is no doubt about the literaryimportance of this work, although many “enlightened ”Tatars disparage it as a mere nursery-tale 2 ;but it is likewise important for folklore and literary history.

The village of Qïzïl Qujašis situated in the district of Okťabŕ, about three miles from Tashkent, the capital of Uzbekistan. I collected material on the dialect of this village from the Uzbeks Xamidov εnver (51 years old) and Eaxmatov Qulmet (49 years old), during their stay in Vienna in August, 1944. Neither of them had ever left their native village, where they had worked as agricultural labourers. Their parents also lived in the same village. These two Uzbeks had never gone to school and were illiterate.

In possession of the Cambridge University Library (Or. 830) there is a copy of a Catalogue of the Kanjur, handwritten in Tibetan characters. The MS. has no head-title or colophon, and no indication of the author or the date of its origin is given. The colophon in the MS. 30a, 2–306,12, refers to the collection, and not to the Catalogue. The MS. is written distinctly, and at least three different handwritings are traceable. The size is a medium quarto, and one side of the paper only is filled. It consists of 22 ff. No original pagination of the folios is to be found, and this fact caused the present pagination, added by somebody not knowing Tibetan, to be utterly misleading. In the first half of the MS. the empty pages are numbered as well as those written on, and thus the next page after 56 is la, after 76, 9a, and so forth. After page 13 the mistake has been corrected and henceforward the pages run in their natural order, except for the other mistake, this time in binding, where the binder confused a few pages, and the “paginator”, not noticing it, kept up the natural order of the numbers.

Ptolemy (vii, 1, 50) mentions Eragassa as the last but one of eighteen places which he assigns to the Kaspiraioi, whose territory is stated by him to stretch from the country1 of the Pandoouoi (or perhaps from the town Iomusa) towards the east as far as the Ouindion, i.e. the Vindhya. Eragassa is called a metropolis, and must therefore have been a place of some importance. Let us briefly survey the identifications proposed by various scholars. Lassen located Eragassa at “Komulmir”, i.e. Kumalmer, a fort in the Udaipur State of Rajputana. Vivien de Saint-Martin, while suspecting the name to be a “Latin interpolation”, explained it as a corruption of VaranasI, the ancient name of Benares. According to Colonel Yule it would correspond to Giriraja, “Royal Hill”, a name which might indicate Govardhana, near Mathura. Dr. W. W. Tarn1 gives us the choice between Ajmer and Eran in the Sagar district of the Central Provinces. But the ancient name of the lastmentioned place is known from inscriptions to be Airikina or Erakana. Possibly this hst does not exhaust the identifications proposed.

DANS un livre, écrit en langue néerlandaise et qui a paru pendant la guerre,1 M. H. Wagenvoort, étudiant les traces du concept “primitif” de mana chez les Romains, a fait des observations intéressantes sur l′usage du mot latin gravitas. L′expression gravis auctor, qui se trouve fréquemment, n′a pas seulement la signification de “auteur ou informateur important ou compétent”, mais aussi celle de “homme d′influence et qui prend l′initiative”. La qualité la plus saillante de Vauctor, mot qui à l′origine a du signifier “celui qui augmente”, est celle que nous désignons par le terme “prestige”. Et comme auctor est un mot “mana”, c.à.d. un mot exprimant un concept relatif à l′ensemble des idées primitives et sémi-primitives qui se groupent autour du “mana”, M. Wagenvoort cherche à démontrer qu′il y a aussi des traces de “mana” dans l′usage du mot gravis. En preparant son expose sur gravis etc. il m′a demande quelques renseignements sur le mot Sanskrit guru- “lourd, etc.”, et sa question a attiré mon attention sur la signification primitive de guru- “maitre” et sur la croyance, répandue dans l′antiquité classique, que les dieux et les etres surhumains en général ont, en vertu de leur mana, un poids extraordinaire.

A frequent phenomenon in Tamil and Malayalam loan–words from early XX Indo–Aryan is the dropping of an initial sibilant.1 More rarely examples occur in Telugu and Kanarese. Cases can be quoted for all the three Sanskrit sibilants, though the immediate source of the borrowings are forms with Prakrit s-.

The recently discovered Līlātilaka, containing as it does the oldest known observations upon the grammar of the Malayalam language, has naturally won for itself a position of importance; and although there has perhaps been a tendency to exaggerate its merits, the evidence which it offers will certainly be of interest and value to students of the history of the Dravidian languages. Nevertheless, although it has quickly achieved fame in its own country, it has remained all but unknown in the west. So far as I can ascertain, only a solitary copy of the edition of the Sanskrit sutras with Malayalam translation of the original Sanskrit commentary, by A. Krsna Pisarati (Trivandrum, 1092 = A.D. 1916) has reached this country; and even this did not reach the British Museum until 1938. The chief aim of the present paper, therefore, is to render accessible the text of the sutras.

In the Mid. Ind. stage, represented by the Prakrits, though not in the North–west, Sk. ā, ī ū before two consonants (homorganic or heterorganic) coincided with Sk. a, i, u before two consonants, for in both cases Mid. Ind. showed ā ī ū before double consonants, e.g. Sk. kāstha– > Pa. Pk. hattha–; Sk. tīrtha– > Pa. Pk. tittha–; Sk. pūrna– > Pa. Pk. punna–; just as Sk. lajjā– > Pa – Pk. lajjā–; Sk. mitra– > Pa. Pk. mitta–; Sk. śuddha– > Pa. Pk. suddha–.

On the hills in the angle formed by Assam and Bhutan2live the Hruso, called by their neighbours Aka or Angha, a band of “ bold and daring robbers and cut-throats ” who exert great influence on the powerful and numerous clans of the Midzi tribe on the southern slopes of the Himalayas. The Hruso act as intermediaries for the Midzi in contacting the peoples of the valley of Assam.

In Le Maître Phonétique for April-June, 1940, I gave some notes on the pronunciation of Mr. Su Cheng, a native of Fengtuhsien, Szechuan. I have recently been able to make further observations in his case, and also to study the pronunciation of Mr. Chao Che Shen, a native of Ipin, Szechuan, which lies some 200 miles to the west of Fengtuhsien.

270. In order to understand the somewhat bewildering vowel-alternation in Arabic-Swahili verbs and their derivatives, it is first necessary to have before one the behaviour-pattern of the verb in Arabic. Taking a verb with three radicals as paradigm, we find it has ten possible forms, i.e. a “ fundamental ” form and nine “ derived ” forms.