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The Tatar DP

  • Ekaterina Lyutikova (a1) and Asya Pereltsvaig
Abstract

In this paper, we reconsider whether article-less languages have the DP projection, focusing on Tatar. We argue that putative correlations between the presence/absence of articles in a language and various DP-external phenomena (e.g. Left-Branch Extraction, superiority effects, and others), discussed by Bošković and Şener (2014), inter alia, do not hold if a broader range of languages is considered more carefully. Instead, we show that certain correlations obtain between the internal structure, syntactic position, case marking, and interpretation of. noun phrases found in distinct structural environments: direct objects, possessors, and complements of the so-called attributivizers. Specifically, we demonstrate a contrast between two types of nominals: accusative direct objects, possessors in ezafe-3, and complements of certain attributivizers share properties that contrast them with unmarked direct objects, possessors in ezafe-2, and complements of other attributivizers. We argue that postulating the DP projection in the former but not the latter type of noun phrases allows us to account for these observed correlations in a unified way.

Résumé

Dans cet article, nous reconsidérons l’hypothèse selon laquelle les langues sans articles ont des projections SD. En particulier, nous nous intéressons au cas du tatar. Nous soutenons que les corrélations putatives entre la présence/absence d’articles dans une langue et autres phénomènes liés au SD (par exemple l’extraction d’une branche gauche, la supériorité, parmi d’autres), présentées par Bošković et Şener (2014), inter alia, n’ont plus lieu d’être lorsqu’on considère un plus grand nombre de langues. Nous démontrons qu’il existe certaines corrélations entre la structure interne, la position syntaxique, le cas et l’interprétation des SN dans différents contextes syntaxiques: les objets directs, les possesseurs, et les compléments des attributiviseurs. En particulier, nous montrons un contraste entre deux types de noms: les objets directs accusatifs, les possesseurs en ezafe-3 et les compléments de certains attributiviseurs partagent des propriétés qui les distinguent des objets directs sans cas, les possesseurs en ezafe-2 et les compléments d’autres attributiviseurs. La solution proposée donnant une projection SD pour le premier type de nominaux mais pas pour le deuxième nous permet d’expliquer ces corrélations observées.

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