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² McDougall, F. L., “International Aspects of Postwar Food and Agriculture,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 225 (January 1943): 122CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³ Cullather, Nick, “The Foreign Policy of the Calorie,” The American Historical Review 112, no. 2 (2007): 337–364CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; here 362.

⁴ Dr.Chick, H., “Nutritional Research in Vienna after the First World War,” Proceedings of the Nutrition Society 3, no. 19 (1945)Google ScholarPubMed.

⁵ Ibid.; “Partial Starvation and its Treatment,” The Lancet (March 23, 1945)Google Scholar.

⁶ Bourne, Geoffrey H., Starvation in Europe (London: G. Allen & Unwin Lmt., 1943), 123Google Scholar.

⁷ Ibid., 149.

⁸ See Tooze, Adam, The Wages of Destruction: The Making and Breaking of the Nazi Economy (London: Viking, 2006)Google Scholar for the economic and military importance of domestic food policy for the Third Reich. The Allies held the Nazi rationing scheme in incredibly high regard and attributed to it much of Germany's military success; British nutritionists advocated the emulation of Nazi food distribution strategies. The idea that Germans ate well under Hitler also shaped German memories of the Third Reich; during the postwar Hunger Years and still to this day, Germans recall the Third Reich, in contrast with occupation, as a time of adequate, even good, food supplies. Recent research has begun to challenge these more positive interpretations of daily life under Hitler, and it is clear that food supplies were one of the most common sources of domestic unrest and anger. Renner, Cornelia, “‘Nicht einmal Brot hat man genug!’ Ernährung und Stimmung im Gau Tirol-Vorarlberg 1942/43,” Zeitgeschichte 2 (1999)Google Scholar.

⁹ Cited in Egan, Eileen and Reiss, Elizabeth Clark, Transfigured Night: The CRALOG Experience (Philadelphia: Livingston, 1964), 14Google Scholar.

¹⁰ U.S.-British Bipartite Food and Agriculture Panel, Food and Agriculture: U.S.-U.K. Zones of Germany (Berlin: Food and Agriculture, 1947)Google Scholar.

¹¹ France was little involved in the waves of international aid directed at hungry postwar Germans, while the Soviets developed different symbolic and economic meanings for the category of German hunger. The French zone, the most historically understudied of the zones, was more similar in popular perception and policy to the Soviet zone than the other western zones. Quality of life here was the worst and rations the lowest of the four zones, and mutual distrust and animosity marked local governance. Wolfrum, Edgar, Französische Besatzungspolitik und deutsche Sozialdemokratie. Politische Neuansätze in der “Vergessenen Zone” bis zur Bildung des Südweststaates 1945–1952 (Düsseldorf: Droste, 1991)Google Scholar. The Soviet government was tremendously concerned about the political consequences of widespread hunger and the global food shortage, but these concerns were framed within a larger Soviet history of frequent and devastating famines and food scarcity. Immediately after the war, the hunger that Stalin initially chose to emphasize was that of starving eastern Europeans rather than of Germans. When the Soviet military leadership finally turned to the problem of German hunger, it was couched in pragmatic rather than moralistic terms: Germans must be better fed to improve their productivity, as well as to ensure their allegiance to socialism. In fact, the Soviet zone (SBZ) recognized even earlier than the American zone the political importance of rations for winning German support. The SBZ especially prioritized food distribution to schoolchildren and worker canteens. The Soviet Zone never recognized a unique quality or moral significance to German hunger, however, nor was it embraced as the main priority of reconstruction as it was in the west.

¹² Sommer, Karl-Ludwig, Humanitäre Auslandshilfe als Brücke zu atlantischer Partnerschaft. CARE, CRALOG und die Entwicklung der Deutsch-Amerikanischen Beziehungen nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs (Bremen: Selbstverlag des Staatsarchivs Bremen, 1999)Google Scholar.

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¹⁴ Heinemann, Elizabeth, “The Hour of the Woman: Memories of Germany's ‘Crisis Years’ and West German National Identity,” in The Miracle Years: A Cultural History of West Germany, 1949–1968, ed. Schissler, Hanna (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001)Google Scholar.

¹⁵ One of the earliest postwar studies of German civilians, sociologist Hilde Thurnwald's 1948 study of around 500 families living in occupied Berlin, focused on the struggles of women to acquire food for themselves, their husbands, and especially their children. Thurnwald, Hilde, Gegenwartsprobleme Berliner Familien. Eine soziologische Untersuchung an 498 Familien (Berlin: Weidmann, 1948)Google Scholar. The emergence of feminist and women's history in the FRG in the 1970s and 1980s led to the discovery of the cultural and social importance of the occupation years for the history of West Germany specifically in terms of women's experience and everyday life. Keller-Teske, Christa, Mangeljahre. Lebensverhältnisse und Lebensgefühl im Landkreis Stade, 1945–1949: Eine Dokumentation (Stade: Verlag Stadt Stade, 1989)Google Scholar; Kuhn, Annette, Frauen in der deutschen Nachkriegszeit. Frauenarbeit 1945–1949 (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1984)Google Scholar; Meyer, Sibylle and Schulze, Eva, Von Liebe sprach damals keiner. Familienalltag in der Nachkriegszeit (Munich: Beck, 1985)Google Scholar; Meyer, Sibylle and Schulze, Eva, Wie wir das alles geschafft haben. Alleinstehende Frauen berichten über das Leben nach 1945 (Munich: Beck, 1988)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ This emphasis on the German rather than the feminine nature of the postwar hunger crisis distinguishes it from the food crisis that followed World War I. Belinda Davis argues that women's anger over food shortages was central to the collapse of popular support for the war as well as to a new governmental recognition of the political significance of women as well as civilian food supplies. Davis, Belinda, Home Fires Burning: Food, Politics, and Everyday Life in World War I Berlin (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2000)Google Scholar. In contrast, the hunger that followed World War II was a hunger of peace and surrender, rather than of military conflict—it was caused by, rather than itself causing, defeat.

¹⁷ For example, Donna Harsch illustrates that German communists in the Soviet zone believed that women's everyday concerns, primarily over food shortages, explained their striking lack of success in gaining women's support for the party. Indeed, communists interpreted this perceived-as-female obsession with getting enough to eat as antithetical to an appropriate political awareness. Harsch, Donna, “Approach/Avoidance: Communists and Women in East Germany, 1945-9,” Social History 25, no. 2 (2000): 156–182CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁸ See, for example, the most thorough medical study on civilian malnutrition during the occupation years, the British Wuppertal project, which examined only men. University of Cambridge, Studies of Undernutrition, Wuppertal, 1946–9 (London: H. M. Stationery Office, 1951)Google Scholar. For an excellent discussion of the politics of medicine during the occupation generally, see Ellerbrock, Dagmar, “Healing Democracy.” Demokratie als Heilmittel: Gesundheit, Krankheit und Politik in der amerikanischen Besatzungszone 1945–1949 (Bonn: Dietz, 2004)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ See Schenck, Ernst Günther, Extreme Lebensverhältnisse und ihre Folgen. Ein Überblick (Bonn: Verband d. Heimkehrer, Kriegsgefangenen u. Vermissten-Angehörigen Deutschlands e.V, 1958)Google Scholar, for a massive, highly politicized disputation on the consequences of starvation on German POWs. For more on German POWs, see Biess's, FrankHomecomings: Returning POWs and the Legacies of Defeat in Postwar Germany (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006)Google Scholar. Biess discusses dystrophy among the returnees. Christiane Winkler has written an excellent article on the perceived crisis of health among German POWs, focusing especially on dystrophy. Winkler, Christiane, “Männlichkeit und Gesundheit der deutschen Kriegsheimkehrer im Spiegel der Ärztekongresse des ‘Verbands der Heimkehrer’” in Männlichkeit und Gesundheit im historischen Wandel ca. 1800-ca. 2000, ed. Dinges, Martin (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2007): 157–174Google Scholar.

²⁰ Vernon, James, Hunger: A Modern History (Cambridge: University of Cambridge Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cullather, “The Foreign Policy of the Calorie.”

²¹ Vernon, Hunger, 8.

²² Erker, Paul, Ernährungskrise und Nachkriegsgesellschaft. Bauern und Arbeiterschaft in Bayern 1943–1953 (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta, 1990), 141Google Scholar.

²³ Steege, Paul, Black Market, Cold War: Everyday Life in Berlin, 1946–1949 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Grossmann, Atina, Jews, Germans, and Allies: Close Encounters in Occupied Germany (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a less critical and highly detailed depiction of German experiences on the black market, see Boelcke, Willi, Der Schwarzmarkt 1945–1948. Vom Überleben nach dem Kriege (Braunschweig: Georg Westermann Verlag, 1986)Google Scholar.

²⁴ For an outstanding discussion of the international politics of food claims in occupied Germany, focusing especially on DPs, see Grossmann, Atina, “Grams, Calories, and Food: Languages of Victimization, Entitlement, and Human Rights in Occupied Germany 1945–1949,” Central European History 44, no. 1 (2011): 118–148CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁵ See Moeller's, Robert G.War Stories: The Search for a Usable Past in the Federal Republic of Germany (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2001)Google Scholar. On the contested topic of the rape of German women, see Grossmann's, Atina “A Question of Silence: The Rape of German Women by Occupation Soldiers,” in West Germany under Construction: Politics, Society, and Culture in the Adenauer Era, ed. Moeller, Robert G. (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1997)Google Scholar. For an excellent discussion of the politics of current memory debates, see Nolan, Mary, “Air Wars, Memory Wars,” Central European History 38, no. 1 (2005): 7–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Two important recent works on the topic are Schmitz, Helmut, A Nation of Victims? Representations of German Wartime Suffering from 1945 to the Present (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Niven, William, Germans as Victims: Remembering the Past in Contemporary Germany (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²⁷ Baade, Fritz, Amerika und der deutsche Hunger (Braunschweig: Limbach, 1948), 9Google Scholar.

²⁸ Ibid.

²⁹ Reagin, Nancy, Sweeping the German Nation: Domesticity and National Identity in Germany, 1870–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Weißbecker, Manfred, “Wenn hier Deutsche wohnen . . . Beharrung und Veränderung im Rußlandbild Hitlers und der NSDAP,” in Das Russlandbild im Dritten Reich, ed. Volkmann, Hans Erich (Cologne: Böhlau, 1994), 9–54Google Scholar. For a typical example of Nazi anti-Semitism in relationship to Allied food distribution, see “England bekämpft den Brei,” Gemeinschaftsverflegung mit Volksernährung 9 (May 1943)Google Scholar.

³¹ Baade, Amerika und der deutsche Hunger, 5.

³² Grossmann, Jews, Germans, and Allies, 175.

³³ In 1946, the 266,000 DPs in the British zone received the same rations as German civilians. Former concentration camp inmates and victims of Nazi persecution received an extra 400 calories a day. In the American zone, DPs who were living in camps received food from American stocks, and therefore it was of a higher quality than typical German rations, which made up 2,000-2,400 calories a day; those who could prove their status as “persecuted” were granted a daily supplement. U.S.-British Bipartite Food and Agriculture Panel, Food and Agriculture, 62. In the Soviet zone, “victims of fascism” were also allotted more generous rations, but these were usually provided from German supplies. Landesarchiv Berlin B Rep 209 #1551.

³⁴ “Die Brücke der Menschlichkeit. Ausländische Liebesgabensendungen für US-Zone,” BArch R 86/3585.

³⁵ Schulze, Rainer, Unruhige Zeiten. Erlebnisberichte aus dem Landkreis Celle 1945–1949 (Munich: R. Oldenbourg, 1990), 305Google Scholar.

³⁶ Ibid., 121.

³⁷ Moeller, War Stories, 32. For more on conflicts between German civilians and Soviet occupation forces, see Naimark, Norman, The Russians in Germany: A History of the Soviet Zone of Occupation, 1945–1949 (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

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³⁹ Cited in Weißbecker, “Wenn hier Deutsche wohnen,” 26.

⁴⁰ Cited in Corni, Gustavo and Gies, Horst, Brot, Butter, Kanonen. Die Ernährungswirtschaft in Deutschland unter der Diktatur Hitlers (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1997), 534Google Scholar.

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⁴² Postwar German nutritionists continued to analyze traditional Russian dietary habits, in particular the purported heavy consumption of sunflower seeds, when looking for ways to stretch rations and stave off starvation among the civilian population. Saller, Kurt, Kampf dem Hunger. Eine Aussprache (Stuttgart: Hippokrates, 1948), 16–17Google Scholar.

⁴³ “Staatliches Gesundheitsamt Chemnitz an Landesverwaltung Sachsen,” Stadtarchiv Dresden 11391 #1758. See also “Schreiben zur ‘Information an Genossen Walter Ulbricht’ von 15.6.1945,” in Hanauske, Dieter, Die Sitzungsprotokolle des Magistrats der Stadt Berlin 1945/46 Teil 1 (Berlin: Berlin Vlg. Spitz, 1995), 136–137, note 7Google Scholar.

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⁴⁶ Since its founding in 1947, the West German news magazine Der Spiegel had run extensive coverage of the so-called “Famine-Land” of the U.S.S.R., reporting on cannibalism and mass starvation due to land reform paired with a specifically communist “disregard for life.” Der Spiegel 20 (May 1947)Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Gumpert, Martin, Heil Hunger (London: Alliance, 1940), 76Google Scholar.

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⁵¹ For more on the German Left and the politicization of food during and immediately after World War I, see William Carl Mathews, “The German Social Democrats and the Inflation: Food, Foreign Trade, and the Politics of Stabilization 1914–1920” (Ph.D. diss., University of California Riverside, 1982).

⁵² Ziegelmayer, Wilhelm, Neue Nahrungsquellen. Kommunalpolitische Aufgaben zur Sicherung der deutschen Volksernährung (Berlin: Heymann, 1949), 10Google Scholar.

⁵³ Orlopp, Josef, Im Kampf gegen den Hunger (Berlin: SED Landesverb. Gross-Berlin, 1947), 3Google Scholar. Communists were not the only ones who were shocked by the German insistence that things had been “better under Hitler,” particularly in regard to food supplies. The occupying forces as well repeatedly expressed their frustration over this seemingly constant refrain. Photojournalist Margaret Bourke-White, in her dramatic record of her travels through defeated Germany in 1945, recorded such sentiments frequently. Bourke-White, Margaret, “Dear Fatherland, Rest Quietly”: A Report on the Collapse of Hitler's “Thousand Years” (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1946)Google Scholar.

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⁵⁵ Ziegelmayer, Neue Nahrungsquellen.

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⁵⁹ RG 260 Records of United States Occupation Headquarters, World War II, Office of Military Government for Germany (U.S.) (OMGUS), Records of the Executive Office: The Office of the Adjutant General—General Correspondence, Box 91 (AG 383.7 Displaced Persons, Care and Feeding of thru AG 383.6 Prisoners of War (Policy)), Folder 2.

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⁶⁸ Cited in Farquharson, John, The Western Allies and the Politics of Food (Dover: Berg Publishers, 1985), 235Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ Schulten, Hans, Die Hungerkrankheit (Berlin: K. F. Haug Verlag, 1946), 32Google Scholar.

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⁷¹ There are several excellent studies of the rationing programs of the four zones. In addition to Gries, Die Rationen-Gesellschaft, and Erker, Ernährungskrise und Nachkriegsgesellschaft, see Katherine Pence's dissertation, “From Rations to Fashions: The Gendered Politics of East and West German Consumption, 1945–1961” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1999).

⁷² Gillmann, Helmut, “Über die Schwierigkeit der vollständigen Erfassung der Unterernährungsschäden,” Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift 9 (March 1949)Google Scholar. See also “Betrifft: Hungerödeme,” Historisches Archiv der Stadt Köln, 646 #6.

⁷³ Düssseldorf Stadtarchiv NW 45 #807.

⁷⁴ For example, mortality for many common diseases decreased during the Hunger Years, including deaths due to heart disease, diabetes, and cancer. “Betrifft: Hungerödeme,” Historisches Archiv der Stadt Köln, 646 #6.

⁷⁵ Gillmann, , “Über die Schwierigkeit”; Berning, Heinrich, Die Dystrophie (Stuttgart: Thieme, 1949), 170Google Scholar.

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⁷⁷ “Resolution der deutschen Ärzte zur deutschen Ernährungslage,” Landesarchiv Berlin B Rep 012 #131.

⁷⁸ Cited in Gerst, Thomas, Ärztliche Standesorganisation und Standespolitik in Deutschland 1945–1955 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2004), 135Google Scholar.

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⁸⁵ Cited in Rothenberger, Die Hungerjahre, 196.

⁸⁶ See Grossmann, “Grams, Calories, and Food,” for a closely related discussion of the human-rights claims made by displaced persons, particularly non-German Jews, during the Hunger Years.

⁸⁷ “Denkschrift für die deutsche Wirtschaftskommission f.d. sowj. Besatzungszone zu Ernährungsfragen und zum Kartensystem,” Stadtarchiv Dresden 11393 #321.

⁸⁸ “Resolution der deutschen Ärzte zur deutschen Ernährungslage,” Landesarchiv Berlin B Rep 012 #131; and Trittel, Hunger und Politik, 156.

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⁹³ Schulten, Die Hungerkrankheit, 43.

⁹⁴ Saller, Kampf dem Hunger, 12.

⁹⁵ Gollancz, Victor, Leaving Them to their Fate: The Ethics of Starvation (London: V. Gollancz Ltd., 1946), 43Google Scholar. Such graphic evocations of the threat posed by hungry German children replicated imagery used earlier by Hoover when he successfully advocated for the creation of a massive child feeding program for German and Austrian children. In his pleas for what was initially a highly controversial plan to feed the children of the former enemy, Hoover warned that the only way to ensure that “your children and my children in the future” would not “be infected by a mass of moral and physical degenerates from Europe” was to have “every day of every week and every week of every month until the next harvest, this helpless mass of humanity . . . physically sit at a table spread with American food under the American flag.” Hoover, Herbert, Central European Relief (New York: American Association for International Conciliation, 1921), 110Google Scholar. For more on the pivotal role played by Gollancz in British policy toward occupied Germany, see Frank's, Matthew “The New Morality—Victor Gollancz, ‘Save Europe Now,’ and the German Refugee Crisis, 1945–46,” Twentieth Century British History 17, no. 2 (2006): 230–256CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁰² “Starving German Nation,” Friends' War Victims' Relief Committee Records, Box no. 2, Hoover Institution Archives.

¹⁰³ “Fragen an den Reichspräsidenten,” BArch R 43I/1270.

¹⁰⁴ “Synopsis of Pros and Cons,” National Committee on Food for the Small Democracies Records, Box no. 27, Hoover Institution Archives.

¹⁰⁵ Ibid.

¹⁰⁶ Cited in Trittel, Hunger und Politik, 49.

¹⁰⁷ Cited in Steinert, Johannes-Dieter, Nach Holocaust und Zwangsarbeit. Britische humanitäre Hilfe in Deutschland: Die Helfer, die Befreiten und die Deutschen (Osnabrück: Secolo, 2007), 152Google Scholar.

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