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Bilingualism in Medieval Europe: Germans and Slavs in Helmold of Bosau's Chronicle

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 October 2014

Sébastien Rossignol*
Affiliation:
Memorial University of Newfoundland

Extract

Having described the countries of the “numerous peoples of the Slavs,” the late twelfth-century chronicler Helmold of Bosau added, “If you consider Hungary as a part of Slavania, as some would suggest, because it does not differ by customs or by language, the area of the Slavic language extends so far that a proper estimate is quite lacking.” These few words indicate how clearly local the chronicler's horizon was—the farther away from Wagria, the fuzzier his information. At the same time, though, Helmold made plain that the Slavic language was for him an essential element of what Slavania was. As a parish priest at the forefront of missionary and settlement activities, Helmold wrote a chronicle that is a unique source of information for intercultural interactions between Germans and Slavs during the high medieval colonization period.

Type
Other Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Central European History Society of the American Historical Association 2014 

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References

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19 Known as Oldenburg in German and Starigard in Slavic. Helmold provided both versions of the name of the fortress: Aldenburg, ea quae Slavica lingua Starigard, hoc est antiqua civitas, dicitur. Helmold of Bosau, Cronica 1.12, 23.

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28 Helmold of Bosau, Cronica 1.13, 26.

29 Little is known about the legendary figures of Wago and Billug. See Lübke, Christian, Regesten zur Geschichte der Slaven an Elbe und Oder (vom Jahr 900 an). Teil II. Regesten 900–983 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1985)Google Scholar, Reg. 143, 197–198; Reg. 169a, 240–41.

30 Helmold of Bosau, Cronica 1.14, 27–28.

31 Ibid., 1.20, 42. See Scior, Das Eigene, 210; Johannes Nowak, Untersuchungen zum Gebrauch der Begriffe populus, gens und natio bei Adam von Bremen und Helmold von Bosau (Ph.D. diss., University of Münster, 1971), 104.

32 For an overview of the history of the Abodrites, see Fritze, Wolfgang H., “Probleme der abodritischen Stammes- und Reichsverfassung und ihrer Entwicklung vom Stammesstaat zum Herrschaftsstaat,” in Siedlung und Verfassung der Slawen zwischen Elbe, Saale und Oder, ed. Ludat, Herbert (Gießen: W. Schmitz, 1960), 141219Google Scholar.

33 Helmold of Bosau, Cronica 1.24, 46.

34 Ibid., 1.25, 48–49.

35 Butue was born of another woman, however. Ibid., 1.24, 46.

36 Ibid., 1.25, 49–50.

37 Ibid., 1.36, 70–71.

38 Ibid., 1.38, 74–75.

39 Ibid., 1.48, 94–95.

40 Preter facundiam enim Latinae et Teutonicae linguae Slavicae nichilominus linguae gnarus erat. Ibid., 1.49, 98.

41 Ibid., 1.93, 183.

42 Ibid., 1.71, 136.

43 Ibid., 2.98, 191–92.

44 Ibid., 2.98, 192–94.

45 That is, the period ranging from the late eleventh century (Helmold had relied on the work of Adam of Bremen and other written sources for earlier times) to the mid-twelfth century. He had more reliable information for the later, contemporary decades. See Berg, “Helmold,” 977–78.

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48 Ibid., 1.46, 90–92.

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51 Ibid., 1.69, 130–134. See also Rosik, Interpretacja, 278–79.

52 Helmold of Bosau, Cronica 1.75, 143–44.

53 Ibid., 1.84, 159–160. Concerning Prove, see Rosik, Interpretacja, 281–88.

54 Lübeck was the favored center of the politics of Henry the Lion, whom Gerold supported. Gerold likely realized that Lübeck was promised a greater future than Starigard. See Stoob, “Einleitung,” 5–6.

55 Helmold of Bosau, Cronica 1.84, 160–62.

56 Et quia castrum et civitas, quae olim ecclesia et sedes cathedralis fuerat, deserta erat, obtinuit apud comitem, ut fieret illic Saxonum colonia et esset solacium sacerdoti de populo, cuius nosset linguam et consuetudinem. Ibid., 1.84, 164. See Biermann, “Konfrontation,” 153–54.

57 According to Linda Kaljundi, Helmold implied a comparison between the arrival of Saxon settlers in the land of the Slavs and that of the Old Testament Israelites in the promised land. See Kaljundi, “Medieval Conceptualisations.”

58 Omnis enim Slavorum regio (. . .) olim insidiis horrida et pene deserta, nunc dante Deo tota redacta est veluti in unam Saxonum coloniam, et instruuntur illic civitates et oppida, et multiplicantur ecclesiae et numerus ministrorum Christi. Helmold of Bosau, Cronica 2.110, 218.

59 Ibid., 1.48, 95.

60 Ibid., 1.52, 103. See Rosik, Interpretacja, 266–73.

61 Helmold, of Bosau, Cronica 1.54, 105.

62 Quibus et sacerdos Dei Bruno iuxta creditam sibi legacionem sufficienter amministravit verbum Dei, habens sermones conscriptos Slavicis verbis, quos populo pronuntiaret oportune. Ibid., Cronica 1.84, 164.

63 Scior, Das Eigene, 210; Lotter, Friedrich, “Bemerkungen zur Christianisierung der Abodriten,” in Festschrift für Walter Schlesinger, vol. II, ed. Beumann, Helmut (Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau, 1974)Google Scholar, 425.

64 Putter, “Multilingualism,” 86–87.

65 Accordingly, the linguistic divide between Germans and Slavs should not be overestimated. The linguistic divide was mostly between multilingual elites and people of lower social rank, who had less need and fewer opportunities to learn another language. See Biermann, “Konfrontation,” 158–59; Lübke, Christian, Fremde im östlichen Europa. Von Gesellschaften ohne Staat zu verstaatlichen Gesellschaften (9.–11. Jahrhundert) (Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau 2001), 7274Google Scholar.

66 Theotonicum proferens, sic verba corrupit, ut in pluribus audientibus ridiculum redderetur. Węclewski, Zygmunt, ed., Chronica principum Poloniae, 23, in Monumenta Poloniae Historica/Pomniki dziejowe Polski, vol. III (Lwów: Zakład Nar. im. Ossolińskich, 1878)Google Scholar, 497; see Zientara, “Die deutschen Einwanderer,” 346.

67 Piskorski, Kolonizacja, 215–16.

68 Zientara, “Die deutschen Einwanderer,” 345–46.

69 Higounet, Les Allemands, 343.

70 Helmold of Bosau, Cronica 1.16, 34. For such stereotypes, see Biermann, “Konfrontation,” 162; Graus, Die Nationenbildung, 77; Opelt, Ilona, “Slavenbeschimpfungen in Helmolds Chronik,” Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 19 (1984): 168Google Scholar; Görlich, Paul, Zur Frage des Nationalbewußtseins in ostdeutschen Quellen des 12. bis 14. Jahrhunderts (Marburg and Lahn: J.-G. Herder, 1964), 166–71Google Scholar.

71 Helmold of Bosau, Cronica 1.63, 119–120. See Biermann, “Konfrontation,” 138–39. “Notum est omnibus vobis, quanta calamitates et pressurae apprehenderint gentem nostrum propter violentam ducis potentiam, quam exercuit in nos, et tulit nobis hereditatem partum nostrorum et collocavit in omnibus terminis eius advenas, scilicet Flamingos et Hollandros, Saxones et Westfalos atque nationes diversas.” Helmold of Bosau, Cronica 2.98, 193.

72 Strzelczyk, “Die Wahrnehmung,” 106.

73 Stoob, “Einleitung,” 2; Scior, Das Eigene, 204–05, 214; Nowak, Untersuchungen, 106–07.

74 Görlich, Zur Frage, 102–05, 194–96, 200–03.

75 Reese, Armin, “Das Gute im Bösen. Einige Bemerkumgen zu Helmolds Slawenchronik,” in Flores considerationum amicorum. Festschrift für Carl August Lückerath zum 70. Geburtstag am 13. Dezember 2006, ed. Hasberg, Wolfgang and Schröder, Josef (Gleichen and Munich: Muster-Schmidt, 2006), 332–33, 336–39Google Scholar; Nowak, Untersuchungen, 130–31.

76 Opelt, “Slawenbeschimpfungen,” 167; Reese, “Das Gute,” 329; Scior, Das Eigene, 214–15; Görlich, Zur Frage, 122–25; Biermann, “Konfrontation,” 151–52.

77 Gläser, Manfred, “Die Slawenmission in den schriftlichen Quellen,” in Heiden und Christen. Slawenmission im Mittelalter, ed. Gläser, Manfred, Hahn, Hans-Joachim, and Weibezahn, Ingrid (Lübeck: Schidt-Römhild, 2002), 7577Google Scholar; Nowak, Untersuchungen, 104–06, 129–130; Görlich, Zur Frage, 146.

78 Reese, “Das Gute,” 329–31; Görlich, Zur Frage, 213–15.