In 1776, Moses Isaacs died in Berlin. Along with Isaac Daniel Itzig and Veitel Heine Ephraim, Isaacs had made a fortune during the Seven Years' War minting coins and supplying the army. Isaacs left behind an estate of three-quarters of a million talers in gold, most of which was organized into a family trust extending to the life of the grandchildren. The only stipulation Isaacs placed on his will was that should any of his five surviving children convert to Christianity, they would forego their share of the inheritance. The first of Isaacs's children to convert were his two daughters, Rebecca and Blümchen, who both proceeded to marry noblemen. In 1780, their two unconverted brothers appealed to King Frederick the Great to uphold their father's will and exclude the two defecting sisters from the inheritance. The king ruled in agreement with the brothers more out of loyalty to the deceased Isaacs than out of an aversion to Jewish conversion to Christianity. Whatever his motives, the sisters felt they had been treated unfairly, and so in 1786 they sued in the civil courts to have the anti-conversion clause of the will declared invalid. The first court's decision was in their favor. This court ruled that the anti-conversion clause was inappropriate in a Christian state, insofar as the clause interfered with the inheritance rights of Christian subjects, in this case the two newly Protestant Isaacs daughters. But later that year a higher court reversed this decision, judging from the viewpoint of the Jewish parents, not the Christian children.
Earlier versions of this essay were presented at the December 1982 meeting of the Columbia University Seminar on Eighteenth-Century Culture, at the May 1984 meeting of the Columbia University Seminar on Women and Society, and at the 1982 annual meeting of the Association for Jewish Studies. I am grateful to Julius Carlebach, Bernard Cooperman, Shaul Stampfer, Faith Rogow, Martin Bunzl, and the anonymous referees of this journal for useful comments on an earlier version of this essay. For continuing intellectual comradeship I am indebted to the members of the New York Research Group on the History of Women in Germany.
1. For a summary of the case, see Cohn, Warren I., “The Moses Isaacs Family Trust—Its History and Significance,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 18 (1973): 267–80. The trust is also discussed briefly in Jacobson, Jacob, Jüdische Trauungen in Berlin 1789–1859 (Berlin, 1968), 214–15.
2. For these and other wage rates for specific occupations in Berlin in this period, see Goldfriedrich, Johann, Geschichte des Deutschen Buchhandels, vol. 3 (Leipzig, 1909; reprint, Aalen, 1970), 94; Bruford, W. H., Germany in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 1971), 331; and Gerth, Hans, Burgerliche Intelligenz um 1800: Zur Soziologie des deutschen Frühliberalismus (reprint, Göttingen, 1976), 29 and 45.
3. The “golden egg” analogy is borrowed from Reinhold August Dorward, The Prussian Welfare State Before 1740 (Cambridge, 1971), 132.
4. Arendt, Hannah claimed that “two-thirds of the 600 families in Berlin in this era were rich”: The Origins of Totalitarianism (Cleveland, 1958), 16, n. 6. Raphael Mahler estimated that “45 percent” of 450 Jewish families in Berlin in this era were either “fabulously wealthy” or “wealthy”: A History of Modern Jewry 1780–1815 (London, 1971), 127; for other estimates, see also Jersch-Wenzel, Stefi, Juden und “Franzosen” in der Wirtschaft des Raumes Berlin/Brandenburg (Berlin, 1978), Tabelle D, 260.
5. The degree to which existing regulations were not being observed in these years is a major theme of the Appendix on “The Struggle for the Emancipation of the Jews in Prussia,” in Brunschwig's, HenriRomanticism and Enlightenment in Eighteenth-Century Prussia (Chicago, 1974).
6. Cited in Arendt, Hannah, Rahel Varnhagen: The Life of a Jewess (London, 1957), 99.
7. A good example of this view can be found in Brod, Max, Heinrich Heine (Berlin, 1935), 70; see also Liptzin, Solomon, Germany's Stepchildren (New York, 1944), 26, for a most condemnatory analysis of what the salon women did with their secular education.
8. See Eschelbacher, J., “Die Anfänge allgemeiner Bildung unter den deutschen Juden vor Mendelssohn,” in Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Juden, Festschrift for Martin Philippsons (Frankfurt a.M., 1916), 168–77, and Güdemann, M., Geschichte des Erziehungswesens und der Kultur der Abendländischen Juden (Vienna, 1884), vol. 1.
9. See Rosen, Robert S., “Introduction,” to The Memoirs of Glückel of Hameln (New York, 1977), xiv. For other introductions to the position of women in traditional Jewish intellectual life, see Koltun, Elizabeth, ed., The Jewish Woman: New Perspectives (New York, 1976), and the first two chapters of Baum, Charlotte, Hyman, Paula, and Michel, Sonya, The Jewish Woman in America (New York, 1975).
10. See The Memoirs of Glückel of Hameln, passim, for an example of the important role wives could play in the family's commercial enterprises at the beginning of the century. Thus Julius Carlebach's description of the Jewish women's role in the era seems wrong for this particular group of elite women: see his “Family Structure and the Position of Jewish Women,” in Mosse, W. E., Paucker, A., and Rürup, R., eds., Revolution and Evolution: 1848 in German-Jewish History (Tübingen, 1981), 170.
11. The petition is discussed in Stern, Moritz, Beiträge zur Geschichte der jüdischen Gemeinde zu Berlin (Berlin, 1926).
12. See the full account of Aaron Gumpertz's life in Kaufmann, David and Freudenthal, Max, Die Familie Gomperz (Frankfurt a. M., 1907), 167–200.
13. See Bendavid's autobiographical sketch in Lowe, S. M., ed., Bildnisse jetztlebender Berliner Gelehrten mit ihren Selbstbiographien (Berlin, 1806).
14. On Robert, Ludwig, see “Ludwig Robert, Leben und Werke” (Ph.D. Diss., Göttingen, 1923); Kahn, Lothar, “Ludwig Robert, Rahel's Brother,” in Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 28 (1973): 185–200, and Sambursky, Miriam, “Ludwig Roberts Lebensgang,” in Bulletin des Leo Baeck Instituts n.s. 15 (1976): 1–48.
15. See Meyer, Michael, The Origins of the Modern Jew: Jewish Identity and European Culture in Germany, 1749–1824 (Detroit, 1967), 58.
16. On Herz's education, see Furst, Julius, ed., Henriette Herz: Ihr Leben und ihre Erinnerungen (Berlin, 1858), 19; on Dorothea Mendelssohn's training, see Hiemenz, Margareta, Dorothea v. Schlegel (Freiburg i. Br., 1911), 6, and Kayserling, M., Die jüdische Frauen in der Geschichte Literatur und Kunst (Leipzig, 1879), 183.
17. On Rahel Levin's intellectual training, see the most detailed biography of her: Berdrow, Otto, Rahel Varnhagen: Ein Lebens- und Zeitbild (Stuttgart, 1902).
18. Rich comparative information on the Jewish women in these other cities can be found in M. Kayserling, Die jüdischen Frauen, passim; on the overall situation of the Jewish communities in these cities in this period, see Krohn, Helga, Die Juden in Hamburg 1800—1850 (Hamburg, 1967); Kracauer, I., Geschichte der Juden in Frankfurt a.M. 1150–1824 (Frankfurt a. M., 1927); Tietze, Hans, Die Juden Wiens (Leipzig, 1933), and Jäger-Sunstenau, Hans, “Die geadelten Judenfamilien im vormärzlichen Wien,” (Ph.D. Diss., Vienna, 1950).
19. Sixteen percent of 69 sampled members of Berlin's intellectual clubs were Jewish. There is good reason to believe, however, that the true proportion of Jewish men in clubs was much smaller, as this sample is biased in two ways. A full explanation and documentation can be found in Chapter Four of my monograph-in-progress, “Mixed Company: The Jewish Salons of Eighteenth-Century Berlin.” On the major all-Jewish club, see Lesser, Ludwig, Chronik der Gesellschaft der Freunde in Berlin (Berlin, 1842); on Jews' attempts to join the Freemasons, see Katz, Jacob, Jews and Freemasons in Europe 1723–1939 (Cambridge, 1970), chap. 3.
20. A collective biography compiled from biographies, memoirs, and letters includes 100 persons who attended at least one of the 16 salons which met in Berlin between 1780 and 1806. See the table for an analysis of the social, religious, and gender composition of the 100.
21. I use four criteria to define a salon: it met at the home of a woman; it met regularly but no invitations were issued; discussion was about intellectual matters; and guests belonged to different Estates. I have identified 14 gatherings in Berlin which met these criteria to different degrees. It should be noted that the 11 non-salonière women included here are a less well-defined group than the 9 Jewish women who led their own salons.
22. This figure has been calculated using two statistics: the average population of Berlin in these decades and the average proportion of the city's population which was composed of adult women. For population figures, I used Seeliger, Herbert, “Origin and Growth of the Berlin Jewish Community,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 3 (1958): 159–69. On the age distribution of the civilian population, see “Tabellen von den Künstlern, Gewerken, Metiers und Personen in Berlin,” Jahrbücher der preussischen Monarchie unter der Regierung Friedrich Wilhelm III 2 (1799): 73.
23. See Jacob Jacobson's Introduction to the volume he edited: Die Judenbürgerbücher der Stadt Berlin 1800—1851 (Berlin, 1962), for details of the inheritance regulations of the Schutzbrief. See also Meisl, Josef, Protokollbuch der jüdischen Gemeinde Berlin, 1723–1854 (Hebrew) (Jerusalem, 1962).
24. Dohm, Christian Wilhelm, Über die bürgerliche Verbesserung der Juden (Berlin, 1781), 9.
25. The only extensive account of the Cohen household is that by Karl August Varnhagen von Ense, in his Denkwürdigkeiten des eigenen Lebens, ed. Leutner, Karl (East Berlin, 1954), 77–85.
26. The Itzig poetry album is now the Itzig family papers in the Archive of the Leo Baeck Institute in New York City.
27. These data have been compiled from the complete roster of Jewish marriages published by Jacob Jacobson, Jüdische Trauungen in Berlin. For background in customs of Jewish marriages in Germany in this era, see Pollack, Herman, Jewish Folkways in Germanic Lands (1648–1806): Studies in Aspects of Daily Life (Cambridge and London, 1971), 29–39. See also Friedberg, Emil, Das Recht der Eheschliessung in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung (Leipzig, 1865), 702–4 regarding state regulations on Jewish marriage during the early nineteenth century.
28. See, for instance Weber-Kellerman, Ingeborg, Die deutsche Familie (Frankfurt a. M., 1974), 4. For data on nineteenth-century Bavarian Jews' ages at marriage, and a critique of earlier claims on the matter, see Lowenstein, Steven, “Voluntary and Involuntary Limitation of Fertility in Nineteenth Century Bavarian Jewry,” in Ritterband, Paul, ed., Modern Jewish Fertility (Leiden, 1981), 97.
29. See Biale, David, “Love, Marriage, and the Modernization of the Jews,” in Raphael, Marc Lee, ed., Approaches to Modern Judaism (Chico, California, 1983), 7.
30. Abt, Harry, “Dorothea Schlegel bis zu ihrer Vereinigung mit der Romantik,” (Ph.D. Diss., Frankfurt a. M., 1925).
31. See Furst, , ed., Henriette Herz, 111; Berdrow, , Rahel Varnhagen, 18; (Mrs.) Jennings, Vaughn, Rahel: Her Life and Letters (London, 1876), 21.
32. See Fessler, Ignatz Aurelius, Rückblicke auf seine siebzigjährige Pilgerschaft (Leipzig, 1851), 154.
33. See Biale, , “Love, Marriage, and the Modernization of the Jews,” 2; Biale summarizes here the work of Azriel Schochat, I'm Hilufei Tekufot (Hebrew) (Jerusalem, 1960), 162–73.
34. See Biale, , “Love, Marriage, and the Modernization of the Jews,” 1; Biale is summarizing here Jacob Katz's article, “Marriage and Marital Relations at the End of the Middle Ages,” (Hebrew), Zion 10 (1945–1946). The irony—from the perspective of this essay—is that Katz's example of a non-arranged marriage is that of Mendelssohn himself, who insisted that his own children marry the mates of his choice.
35. Biale himself articulates this third position, in contra distinction to both Schochat and Katz. This more flexible notion of how love could play a role in arranged and “semi-arranged” marriages in the nineteenth century is also used by Kaplan, Marion, “For Love or Money: The Marriage Strategies of Jews in Imperial Germany,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 28 (1983): 263–300. For general background on companionate marriages in the period of Germany, see Rosenbaum, Heidi, Formen der Familie (Frankfurt a. M., 1982), 285–87.
36. I am more skeptical here about trusting the substantive content in memoirs than is David Biale; see his discussion of Glückel of Hameln in his “Love, Marriage, and the Modernization of the Jews,” 8.
37. See Kayserling, , Die jüdische Frauen, 199.
38. Ibid., 183.
39. One noble salon woman who lived apart from her husband was Dorothea von Courland; see Tiedge, Christoph August, Anna Charlotte Dorothea, letzte Herzogin von Kurland (Leipzig, 1823).
40. See von Ense, Varnhagen, Denkwürdigkeiten, 81.
41. On Sara Levy, see Erman, Wilhelm, Paul Erman: Ein Berliner Gelehrtenleben 1764–1851 (Berlin, 1927), 94–96, and Eberty, Felix, Jugenderinnerungen eines alten Berliners (Berlin, 1825), the chapter on “Madame Löwy.” Published material on Beer is rare: see Jacobson, , Judische Trauungen, 317, and the Beer-Meyerbeer Collection (AR 3194) in the Archives of the Leo Baeck Institute, New York City.
42. On the Cohens' conversions, see Jacobson, , Jüdische Trauungen, 362–63; on David Ephraim's conversion, see ibid., 292; on the Limans' conversions, see ibid., 304; on the Stieglitzes' conversions, see ibid., 349–50.
43. See Arendt, , Rahel Varnhagen, 3. For a fuller account of her financial situation, see Berdrow, , Rahel Varnhagen, 144–45. One scholar who claimed that Levin was “poor” is Kay Goodman, in her stimulating “Poesis and Praxis in Rahel Varnhagen's Letters,” New German Critique 27 (1982): 123–40.
44. See Furst, , Henriette Herz, 83.
45. On Henriette Mendelssohn, see Karl August Varnhagen von Ense, Galerie von Bildnissen aus Umgang und Briefwechsel (Leipzig, 1836), 65–77, which includes a selection of her letters. See also Meyer, , The Origins of the Modern Jew, 99–101.
46. On Frohberg, see Heyse, Paul, Jugenderinnerungen und Bekenntnisse (Berlin, 1901), 6; Jacobson, , Jüdische Trauungen, 440; Arendt, Hannah, Rahel Varnhagen, 107, and Geiger, Ludwig, “Marie oder die Folgen des ersten Fehltritts, ein unbekannter Roman,” Zeitschrift für Bücherfreunde, n.s. 9, no. 1 (1917): 58–62.
47. On Esther Gad (married, Bernard and later Domeier), see Friedrichs, Elisabeth, Die deutschsprachigen Schriftstellerinnen des 18. und 19. Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1981), 23. On Devidel, see Blechen, Karl, Daniel Chodowiecki, Johann Gottfried Schadow (Berlin, 1960). 33; on Paul Heyse's tutoring post, see his own Jugenderinnerungen, 10.
48. See Graetz, Heinrich, Geschichte die Juden (Leipzig, 1900), vol. 16, 160.
49. A sharp contemporary description of Rahel Levin's salon by “Graf S.” which shows that intellectual dialogue was central in salons can be found in May, C., Rahel: Ein Berliner Frauenleben im 19 Jahrhundert (Berlin, n.d.), 7–16. On the Mendelssohn-Bartholdy household, see Jacob, Heinrich, Felix Mendelssohn und seine Zeit (Frankfurt a.M., 1959).
50. See Karl August von Ense, Varnhagen, Denkwürdigkeiten und vermischte Schriften, vol. 4 (Leipzig, 1843), 494. See also Leitzmann, Albert, ed., Wilhelm von Humboldts Briefe an Karl Gustav von Brinkmann (Leipzig, 1939), 169.
51. See Furst, , Henriette Herz, 11.
52. See Leitzmann, Wilhelm von Humbolts Briefe, 11.
53. A useful way to understand the contrast between the enlightened, deistic approach to conversion and the romantics' views is through study of David Friedländer's 1799 proposal that Berlin Jews should voluntarily undergo “dry” baptism to become “rationalist” Christians. The best summaries of the debate about dry baptism can be found in Low, Alfred D., Jews in the Eyes of the Germans (Philadelphia, 1979), 176–80; Littmann, Ellen, “David Friedländers Sendschreiben an Probst Teller und sein Echo,” in Zeitschrift für die Geschichte der Juden in Deutschland 6 (1935): 92–112, and Schmidt, H. D., “The Terms of Emancipation 1781–1812,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 1 (1955): 28–51.
54. One of the three who probably converted was Jente Stieglitz, whose father, Benjamin Ephraim, and husband, Dr. Israel Stieglitz, both converted. See Jacobson, , Trauungen, 349. The two Jewish salon women we know did not convert were Sara Levy and Amalie Beer.
55. On Sara Meyer's return conversion to Judaism, see Kayserling, , Die jüdischen Frauen, 217.
56. On Sara Levy's position on conversion, see Lazarus, Nahida Ruth, Das jüdisches Weib (Berlin, 1922), 153; on Fanny von Arnstein's position, see Spiel, Hilde, Fanny von Arnstein, Oder die Emanzipation (Frankfurt a.M., 1962), 83. Very little has been published about Beer; the typescript of Kurt Richter's short article, “Amalie Beer und Ihre Söhne,” is in the Beer-Meyerbeer Collection (AR 3194) in the Archives of the Leo Baeck Institute in New York City.
57. The discussion of conversion trends in eighteenth-century Germany is based on my reconstruction of a set of conversion records called the “Judenkartei” compiled by Nazi genealogists and now in the Evangelisches Zentralarchiv in West Berlin. A partial analysis of these cards was presented in a paper, “Seductive Conversion in Berlin, 1770–1809,” given at a conference on “Christian Missionaries and Jewish Apostates in Europe and America” at Indiana University in May 1984. The proceedings of this conference are being edited for publication by Todd Endelman.
Useful data on conversions throughout Germany in this era can be found in Katz, Jacob, Out of the Ghetto: The Social Background of Jewish Emancipations 1770–1870 (New York, 1978), Chap. 3. For a more detailed account, see Kedar, B. Z., “Continuity and Change in Jewish Conversion to Christianity in Eighteenth-Century Germany,” (Hebrew), Studies in the History of Jewish Society (Hebrew) Etkes, E. and Salmon, Y., eds. (Jerusalem, 1980). I am grateful to Todd Endelman and to my colleague David Biale for bringing the Kedar article to my attention.
58. The male rate of conversion began to exceed the female rate in 1808. Nazi genealogists (see n. 57) also compiled a set of marriage cards for Berlin for the period 1800–46 which include all marriages between converted Jews and Christians. Of the intermarriages which took place between 1800 and 1809, 69 percent involved Jewish women and 31 percent involved Jewish men.
59. It has been difficult to find out the financial details of Jewish-Jewish, as well as of converted-Christian marriages. The few marriage contracts from eighteenth-century Jewish marriages in Germany found in the Archive of the Leo Baeck Institute do not contain specific financial details. And contracts from Christian marriages (which might have involved a converted partner) are difficult to find because notarial records have not been systematically preserved in Germany. On Veit's inheritance, see Hiemenz, Margaretha, Dorothea Schlegel, 18.
60. Blechen, Karl, Daniel Chodowiecki, Johann Gottfried Schadow, 33.
61. See chap. 4 of Lea, Charlene A., Emancipation, Assimilation and Stereotype: The Image of the Jew in German and Austrian Drama (1800—1850) (Bonn, 1978). I am grateful to Marion Kaplan for bringing this book to my attention.
62. See Cocalis, Susan L., “Der Vormund will Vormund Sein: Zur Problematic der weiblichen Unmündigkeit in 18. Jahrhundert,” in Burkhard, Marianne, ed., Gestaltet und Gestaltend: Frauen in der deutschen Kultur, in Amsterdamer Beiträge zur neueren Germanistik, vol. 10 (Amsterdam, 1980); for an older work on the theme see the collection of biographical essays by Susman, Margarete, Frauen der Romantic (Jena, 1929).
63. See Feilchenfeldt, Konrad, Varnhagen von Ense als Historiker (Amsterdam, 1970).
64. I am grateful to Martin Bunzl for stressing this point in conversation.
65. On the crisis of the Prussian nobility in this era, see the chapter on Prussia in Goodwin, A., The European Nobility in the Eighteenth Century (London, 1953); Stern, Fritz, “Prussia,” in Spring, David, ed., European Landed Elites in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore and London, 1977); the classic work by Rosenberg, Hans, Bureaucracy, Aristocracy, Autocracy: The Prussian Experience, 1660–1815 (Cambridge, 1958); and Martiny, Fritz, Die Adelsfrage in Preussen vor 1806, Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Beiheft 35 (Stuttgart, 1936).
66. On the connection between von Arnim's financial problems and his anti-Semitism, see Riley, Helene, Ludwig Achim von Arnims Jugend- und Reisejahre (Bonn, 1978), 5; on Gentz's financial ties to Jews, see Sweet, Paul, Wilhelm von Humboldt: A Biography, 1 (Columbus, 1978): 210.
67. The von Humbolt-Friedländer financial connection is mentioned in Leitzmann, Albert, ed., Wilhelm von Humbolts Briefe, 166; the best sources on Sara and Samuel Levy are Wilhelm Erman, Paul Erman, and Felix Eberty, Jugenderinnerungen, in the chapter on “Madame Löwy.”
68. Arendt, , Rahel Varnhagen,
69. On Gentz, see Baxa, Jacob, Friedrich von Gentz (Vienna, 1965), in addition to the source noted above in n. 66.
70. This analysis derives from the splendid work by Lougee, Carolyn: Le Paradis des Femmes: Women, Salons, and Social Stratification in Seventeenth Century France (Princeton, 1976).
71. Good summaries of these complaints can be found in Schier, Alfred, Der Liebe in der Frühromantik (Marburg, 1913); Bianquis, Geneviève, Love in Germany (London, 1964), Gebauer, Curt, “Studien zur Geschichte der Bürgerlichen Sittenreform des 18. Jahrhundert,” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 15 (1923): 97–116; Menzel, Karl Adolf, Zwanzig Jahre Preussischer Geschichte, 1786 bis 1806 (Berlin, 1849), and Ostwald, Hans, Kultur und Sittengeschichte Berlins (Berlin, 1924), 114–16.
72. See Bleich, Erich, Der Hof des König Friedrich Wilhelm II (Berlin, 1914).
73. As cited in Werner, Oscar Helmuth, The Unmarried Mother in German Literature: With Special Reference to the Period 1770–1800 (New York, 1917), 42.
74. Ibid., 42.
75. One good example of such a match was that between an important bureaucrat under Frederick William II, Johann Christoph Wöllner, and the only daughter of the von Itzenplitz family, Wöllner's employers. See Epstein, Klaus, The Genesis of German Conservatism (Princeton, 1966), 356–57.
76. See Bianquis, , Love in Germany, 20; see also Ostwald, Hans, Das Berliner Dirnentum (Leipzig, n.d.).
77. See Mestwerdt, Reinhard, “Das Sozialbild der Ehe im Spiegel von Gesetzgebung und Rechtsprechung der letzten 150 Jahre,” (Ph.D. Diss., Göttingen, 1961), 55; of related interest is König, Rene, “Zur Geschichte der Monogamie,” in Kurzrock, Ruprecht, ed., Die Institution der Ehe (Berlin, 1979), 9–16.
78. See Kitchen, S. B., A History of Divorce (London, 1912), 162–64; Weber, Marianne, Ehefrau und Mutter in der Rechtsentwicklung (Tübingen, 1907; reprint Aalen, 1971); Hauser, Hugo, “Die geistigen Grundlagen des Eherechts an der Wende des 18. zum 19. Jahrhundert,” (Ph.D. Diss., Heidelberg, 1940); Dörner, Heinrich, Industrialisierung und Familienrecht (Berlin, 1974) and Schwab, Dieter, Grundlagen und Gestalt der Staatlichen Ehegesetzgebung in der Neuzeit (Bielefeld, 1967), 172–92.
79. See Hyman, Paula, “The Other Half: Women in the Jewish Tradition,” in Koltun, Elizabeth, The Jewish Woman (New York, 1976), 105–13.
80. See Beuys, Barbara, Familienleben in Deutschland (Hamburg, 1980), 343; Novack, Wilhelm, Liebe und Ehe im deutschen Roman zu Rousseaus Zeiten, 1747–1774 (Bern, 1906); Guthke, Karl, Literarisches Leben im achtzehnten Jahrhundert in Deutschland und in der Schweiz (Bern and Munich, 1975), and Pascal, Roy, The German Sturm and Drang (Manchester, England, 1953).
81. See the Leitzmann edition of von Humboldt's letters to von Brinkmann, cited above.
82. See Carlebach, Julius, “The Forgotten Connection—Women and Jews in the Conflict Between Enlightenment and Romanticism,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 24 (1979): 107–38, as well as another article by Carlebach cited in n. 10 above.
83. See Kaplan, Marion, The Jewish Feminist Movement in Germany (Greenwood, Conn., 1979). Chap. Two, as well as Kaplan's “Tradition and Transition: The Acculturation, Assimilation and Integration of Jews in Imperial Germany: A Gender Analysis,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 27 (1982).
84. See Dahrendorf, Ralf, Society and Democracy in Germany (Garden City, 1967), passim.
85. I am grateful to Shaul Stampfer of the Hebrew University for helpful comments on this point.
86. Phyllis Mack of Rutgers University stressed this point in her comment on an earlier version of the essay presented at the Columbia University Seminar on Women and Society.
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