1. On the latter point see Baldwin, David A, Economic Statecraft (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985) pp. 9–12.
2. Wight, Martin, “The theory of the national interest” in Wight, Gabriele and Porter, Brian (eds.), International Theory: The Three Traditions (Leicester & London: Leicester University Press, 1991), p. 126.
3. See his many statements to that effect in his memoirs The White House Years and Years of Upheaval (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, respectively 1979 and 1982). To take one example from the former: “If history teaches anything it is that there can be no peace without equilibrium and no justice without restraint” (p. 55).
4. Salisbury, Harrison E.The New Emperors: China in the Era of Mao and Deng (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1992), especially pp. 9 and 325–26. But see also the book as a whole, based largely upon interviews, for a graphic, if not entirely accurate, portrayal of the extent of the influence of the Chinese imperial past upon the conduct of especially Mao, but also Deng.
5. See Gittings, John, “The statesmanm,” in Wilson, Dick (ed.), Mao Tse-tung in the Scales of History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), p. 247
6. See Xiaoping's, Deng speech of 9 June 1989 in Beijing Review (henceforth BR), Vol. 32, No. 28 (10–16 07 1989), pp. 14–17.
7. Yu, Jin and Xiankui, Chen, Dangdai Zhongguo da silu – Deng Xiaoping de lilun yu shijian (The Big Themes of Contemporary China – Deng Xiaoping's Theory and Practice) (Beijing: The Chinese People's University Press, 1989), p. 186.
8. Kim, Samuel S., China In and Out of the Changing World Order (Princeton: World Order Studies Program Occasional Paper No. 21, Princeton University, 1991), p. 37.
9. Ross, Robert S., The Indo-China Tangle, China's Vietnam Policy 1975–79 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), pp.221–22.
10. Xiaoping, Deng, Fundamental Issues in Present-Day China (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1987), p. 54. For his first mention of the concept see his talk of 12 January 1983, ibid. pp. 10–13.
11. BR, Vol. 29, No. 41 (13 10 1986), p. 7
12. Xiuquan, Wu, Eight Years in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (January 1950–October 1958): Memoirs of a Diplomat (Beijing: New World Press, 1985), pp. 42–43describes how Zhou initiated the proposal in 1953 as “guiding principles for development of the ministry's work in Asia.” The principles were first made public in the Sino-Indian agreement negotiated by Nehru and Zhou in 1954 and provided the official guide for all China's state relations ever since. They are: (1) mutual respect for each other's territorial integrity and sovereignty; (2) non-aggression; (3) non-interference in each other's internal affairs; (4) equality and mutual benefit; and (5) peaceful co-existence.
13. Kim, , The Changing World Order, pp. 25–27.
14. On Japan see Whiting, Allen S., China Eyes Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989)and Newby, Laura, Sino-Japanese Relations (London: Routledge, 1988). On the United States, see Oksenberg, Michel, “The China problem,” Foreign Affairs, Summer 1991, p. 12.
15. See Kleinberg, Robert, China's “Opening” to the Outside World: The Experiment with Foreign Capitalism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1990), especially pp. 254–268.
16. See Central Document No. 2 (1992) as carried in Zhengming (Hong Kong, 1 04 1992) in BBC Summary of World Broadcasts, Part 3 (henceforth SWB), FE/1346/B2/2.
17. Xiaoping, Deng, Fundamental Issues, p. 79.
18. See Deng's, speech of 16 January 1980, “The present situation and the tasks before us,” Selected Works (henceforth SW), p. 226: “we really need a peaceful environment, and thus, for the interest of our own country the goal of our foreign policy is a peaceful environment for achieving the four modernizations.”
19. See the brief account in Yahuda, Michael B, China's Role in World Affairs (London: Croom Helm, 1978), pp. 66 and 80–81.
20. Interestingly, Chinese accounts of China's foreign policy have subdivided the period in similar ways.
21. For accounts of Mao's views of international politics at this time see Gittings, “The statesman,” and Yahuda, Michael, Chinese Foreign Policy After Mao, Towards the End of Isolationism (London: Macmillan, 1983) ch. 3.
22. For analysis of Mao's approach see Whiting, Allen S., The Chinese Calculus of Deterrence (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1975).
23. See for example, King C. Chen, China's War Against Vietnam, 1979: A Military Analysis (Baltimore: University of Maryland, Occasional Papers/Reprint Series in Contemporary Asian Studies, No. 5, 1983); and Jenks, Harlan W., “China's ‘punitive’ war on Vietnam: a military assessment,” Asian Survey, Vol. XIX, No. 8 (08 1979); and Segal, Gerald, Defending China (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985) ch. 12.
24. See Hamrin, Carol Lee, “China re-assesses the superpowers,” Pacific Affairs (Summer 1983), pp. 209–231.
25. Yahuda, , Foreign Policy After Mao, pp. 205 and 216.
26. For interpretations that give greater weight to problems in Sino-American relations see Pollack, Jonathan D, “The opening to America” in MacFarquhar, Roderick and Fairbank, John K. (eds.), The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 15, Part 2,Revolutions Within the Chinese Revolution 1966–82 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 457–469; and Harding, Harry, A Fragile Relationship: The United States and China Since 1972 (Washington, D. C: The Brookings Institution, 1992) pp. 119–125.
27. For a Chinese account that emphasizes the themes of peace and development as exemplified by the positive linkage between East-West and North-South issues, the prospects for a comparatively long period of peace, the “core” significance of North-South relations and the continuing need to resist hegemonism, see Chuanwang, Tao, Changyun, Zhang and Zhangfu, Luo (eds.), Deng Xiaoping zhuzuo zhuanti yanjiu (Researching the Main Themes of the Writings of Deng Xiaoping) (Beijing: People's Press, 1990), pp. 318–339.
28. Xiaoping, Deng, Fundamental Issues, p. 46.
30. For example see his speech to an enlarged meeting of the Military Commission, ibid. p. 116.
32. For analyses of these events see, Chang, Jaw-ling Joanne, “Negotiation of the 17 August 1982 U.S.–PRC arms communiqué: Beijing's negotiating tactics,” The China Quarterly, No. 125 (03 1991) pp. 33–54; Ross, Robert S., “China learns to compromise: Change in U.S.–China relations, 1982–1984,” The China Quarterly, No. 128 (12 1991) pp. 742–773; and Michael B.Yahuda, “The significance of tripolarity in China's policy toward the United States since 1972,” in Robert S. Ross (ed.), The Superpowers and China: The Cold War Triangle (forthcoming). For a somewhat different analysis that stresses Beijing's concern about American arrogance in taking China for granted see Harding, , A Fragile Relationship, pp. 131–37.
33. For a brief account of China's marginalization even before the collapse of the Soviet Union see Yahuda, Michael, “The People's Republic of China at 40: foreign relations,” The China Quarterly, No. 119 (09 1989), pp. 519–539.
34. See for example, BR, Vol. 32, No. 9, 27 February–5 03 1989. See also Harding, , A Fragile Relationship, pp. 178–79. It should be noted that the last piece of evidence cited of American concern at a possible Sino-Soviet accommodation is dated 24 March 1986 (ibid. p. 178).
35. “Deng Xiaoping de Zhonggong suanming” (“Deng Xiaoping sees the future for the CCP”), Zhengming, Hong Kong, No. 151 (1 05 1990).
36. Chun-yu, Shih, “China, Soviet Union establish new relations of good-neighbourliness, co-operation,” Da Gong Boo, Hong Kong, 16 05 1991, in FBIS-CHI, 16 May 1991, pp. 13–14.
37. Xinhua reported without comment the substance of a 28 February 1991 editorial commentary in Pravda to that effect.
38. Qing Bao (Intelligence), Hong Kong, 5 09 1991, in FBIS-CHI, 9 September 1991, p. 10
39. Po-shih, He, “CCP issues successive emergency circulars ordering entire Party to guard against changes,” Dangdai, Hong Kong, 15 09 1991, in FBIS-CHI, 24 September 1991.
40. For accounts see, Chauda, Nayan, Brother Enemy: A History of Indo-China, the Fall of Saigon (New York: Macmillan Press, 1988).
41. Kim, , The Changing World Order, pp. 25–27.
42. For the classic account of the former see, Wright, Mary C, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism: The Tung Chih Restoration, 1862–1874 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1957).
43. See Goodman, David S. G, “Reforming China: foreign contacts, foreign values?” The Pacific Review, Vol. 5, No. 1 (1992).
44. See Chuanwang, Tao et al. , Deng Xiaoping Zhuzuo, p. 290.
45. The famous 19th-century high official who suffers, perhaps unfairly, from the reputation of having sold out his country's sovereignty to buy peace and better relations with foreign imperialists.
46. See for example the erudite discussion in Wight, , “The theory of the national interest,” pp. 111–136.
47. Ionescu, Ghita, Leadership in an Interdependent World: The Statesmanship of Adenauer, De Gaulle, Thatcher and Gorbachev (Harlow, Essex: Longman, 1991) p. 1
48. Wight, , “The theory of the national interest,” p. 121.
49. Wight, and Porter, , International Theory, p. 1
50. Kissinger, Henry, The White House Years (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1979), p. 55.
51. Kissinger, Henry, For the Record, Selected Statements 1977–1980 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1981), p. 261.
52. Xiaoping, Deng, Fundamental Issues, p. 163.
53. The best accounts of Deng's younger years are to be found in Franz, Uli (trans, by Artin, Tom), Deng Xiaoping (Boston: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988) especially pp. 21–75; and in Lee, Ching Hua, Deng Xiaoping: The Marxist Road to the Forbidden City (Princeton: The Kingston Press, 1985) pp. 25–35.
