Skip to main content

The Last Carolingian Exegete: Pope Urban II, the Weight of Tradition, and Christian Reconquest


Pope Urban II (1088–99) was trained at Reims and Cluny before entering the orbit of the Gregorians around Rome. As such, Urban was first trained as an exegete. By considering how Urban used one particular verse (Daniel 2:21) and tracing that verse's intellectual lineage forward from the Fathers, through the Carolingians, we get a clearer picture not just of the vibrancy of eleventh-century intellectual life but also, ultimately, of Urban's understanding of the arc of sacred history. As a trained Carolingian exegete, Urban continued the work of his ninth-century predecessors, calling the Christian people (populus christianus) to mend their ways and strike back against the pagans, so that God would return His hand and allow the Christians to reconquer the Mediterranean world.

Hide All

1 London, BL Add. 22820. On the scriptorium of Cluny under Maiolus, see Garand Monique-Cécile, “Copistes de Cluny au temps de saint Maieul (948-994),” Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes 136 (1978): 536. On the circumstances of Hrabanus’ commentary, see De Jong Mayke, “The Empire as Ecclesia: Hrabanus Maurus & Biblical Historia for Rulers,” in The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Hen Yitzhak and Innes Matthew (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 191226.

2 Berarducci Silvia Cantelli, “L'esegesi della Rinascita carolingia,” in La Bibbia nel Medioevo, ed. Cremascoli G. and Leonardi C. (Bologna, Italy: Edizioni dehoniane, 1996), 198; Dahan Gilbert, Lire la Bible au Moyen Âge (Geneva: Droz, 2009), 11, 16. Fundamental to the study of medieval exegesis are still de Lubac Henri, Exégèse Médiévale: les quatre sens de l'Ecriture, 2 vols. (Paris: Aubier, 1954–64); and Danielou Jean, From Shadows to Reality: Studies in the Biblical Typology of the Fathers, trans. Hibberd Wulstan (Westminster, Md.: Newman Press, 1960).

3 See the example in Smith Katherine Allen, War and the Making of Medieval Monastic Culture (Rochester, N.Y.: Boydell & Brewer, 2011), 127. Other examples in Shimahara Sumi, “Daniel et les visions politiques à l’époque carolingienne,” Médiévales 55 (2008): 21; and Scheppard Carol, “Prophetic History: Tales of Righteousness and Calls to Action in the Ecologae Tractatorum in Psalterium,” in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. Chazelle Celia and van Name Edwards Burton (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 6173. See also, more generally, on this process of association—the catena—Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory: A Study of Memory in Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

4 Gabriele Matthew, An Empire of Memory: The Legend of Charlemagne, the Franks, and Jerusalem before the First Crusade (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 117–19.

5 “Nunc ergo precor et amplector fraternitatem vestram, ut agatis viriliter atque constanter, et confortemini in potentia virtutis Dei ascendentes ex adverso et opponentes murum pro domo Israel [Ezek. 13:5], ut strenuissimi Domini bellatores stetis in praelio in die ipsius. Vos ergo qui spiritualiter estis, eos qui instructi non sunt verbis et exemplis instruite, et exhortamini sicut scitis et necessitas exigit hujus periculosi temporis [2 Tim. 3:1]. . . Insuper apud omnipotentis Dei misericordiam continuas preces effundite, quatenus et Ecclesiam suam sanctam in gradum pristinum misericorditer restaurare dignetur” (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:284).

6 Cf. the Vulgate: “non ascendistis ex adverso neque opposuistis murum pro domo Israhel ut staretis in proelio in die Domini;” and Urban's letter (note 5 above): “ascendentes ex adverso et opponentes murum pro domo Israel, ut strenuissimi Domini bellatores stetis in praelio in die ipsius.” Note how Urban has changed the temporal frame of the verse. Instead of saying what did not happen, Urban is using Ezekiel to show what is happening now.

7 On the use of 2 Timothy 3:1, see Brandes Wolfram, “Tempora periculosa sunt. Eschatologisches im Vorfeld der Kaiserkrönung Karls des Grossen,” in Das Frankfurter Konzil von 794: Kristallisationspunkt karolingischer Kultur, ed. Berndt Rainer Jr. (Mainz, Germany: Selbstverl. der Gesellschaft für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1997), 4979; and on the tradition of Ezekiel 13:5, see Matthew Gabriele, “Odo of Cluny, Adso of Montier-en-Der, and the Pincer of Past and Future,” (unpublished manuscript).

8 H. E. J. Cowdrey has suggested that Cluny played an important, if indirect, role in shaping Urban II's ideas but his focus was on the liturgy, rather than on Urban's intellectual formation. Philippe Buc and Jay Rubenstein have linked exegesis and the First Crusade, but not through Urban II. See Cowdrey H. E. J., “Pope Urban II and the Idea of Crusade,” Studi Medievali 36 (1995): 729–30; idem, Cluny and the First Crusade,” Revue Bénédictine 83 (1975): 285311; Buc Philippe, “Exégèse et violence dans la tradition occidentale,” Annali di Storia moderna e contemporanea 16 (2010): 131–44; and Rubenstein Jay, Armies of Heaven: The First Crusade and the Quest for the Apocalypse (New York: Basic Books, 2011).

9 Becker Alfons, Papst Urban II (1088–1099), 2 vols. (Stuttgart, Germany: Hiersemann, 1964–88), 2:352–58.

10 On the application of exegesis, the origins of a “theology of politics,” see the underutilized Caspary Gerard E., Politics and Exegesis: Origen and the Two Swords, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), especially 8–10, 189–91; and more recently Buc Philippe, L'ambiguite du livre: Prince, pouvoir et peuple dans les commentaires de la Bible au Moyen Âge (Paris: Beauchesne, 1994); idem, La vengeance de Dieu: De l'exégèse patristique à la réforme ecclésiastique et à la première croisade,” in La Vengeance, 400–1200, ed. Barthélemy Dominique, Bougard François, and Le Jan Régine (Rome: École française de Rome, 2006), 451–86.

11 Becker, Papst Urban II, 1:24–90.

12 On Bruno at Reims, see Demouy Patrick, “Bruno et la réforme de l’Église de Reims,” in Saint Bruno et sa posterité spirituelle: Actes du colloque international de 8 et 9 octobre 2001 a l'Institut catholique de Paris, ed. Girard Alain, le Blévec Daniel, and Nabert Nathalie (Salzburg, Austria: Institut für Anglistik und Amerikanistik, 2003), 1320. On the educational tradition and manuscripts, see Glenn Jason, Politics and History in the Tenth Century: The Work and World of Richer of Reims (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 5464; Becker, Papst Urban II., 1: 31–35; and Sot Michel, Un historien et son église au Xe siècle: Flodoard de Reims (Paris: Fayard, 1993), 7274. On tenth-century education as a continuation of the ninth, see Contreni John J., “The Tenth Century: The Perspective from the Schools,” in Haut Moyen-Âge: Culture, education et société: Études offerts à Pierre Riché, ed. Sot Michel, et al. (Paris: Éditions européennes Erasme, 1990), 379–87.

13 See below at note 27.

14 On Odo's biography, see Rosé Isabelle, Construire une société seigneuriale: Itinéraire et ecclésiologie de l'abbé Odon de Cluny (fin du IXe - milieu du Xe siècle) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 35368. On his education, see See John of Salerno, Vita sancti Odonis, PL 133:45, 52.

15 von Büren Veronika, “Le grand catalogue de la bibliothèque de Cluny,” in Le gouvernement d'Hugues de Semur à Cluny: Actes du colloque scientifique international (Cluny, France: Musée Ochier, 1990), 254–60; idem, Le catalogue de la bibliothèque de Cluny du XIe siècle reconstitué,” Scriptorium 46 (1992): 256–67. The catalog itself can be found at Delisle Léopold, Inventaire des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale: Fonds de Cluni (Paris: Champion, 1884), 337–73, online at

16 Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits, nos. 234, 271–72 (Paschasius), 85–86, 242, 367, 375, 410, 521 (Alcuin), and 338–91 (Hrabanus, though not all these are by him).

17 Delisle, Inventaire des manuscrits, nos. 347, 427, 430, 431, 428, and 429, respectively. We should also note that there are a number of unattributed commentaries in the catalog, which could well be Carolingian in origin. For example, the catalog also lists (no. 557) “Volumen in quo continetur tractatus de grammatica, habens in principio expositionem somniorum Nabuchodonosor.” This text, specifically on Daniel 2, may well be another of Haimo's, given the Auxerre connection to Cluny's collection, Haimo's interest in grammar, his status as a school master, and his interest in the Old Testament prophets. On Haimo as grammarian, see below.

18 Wilmart André, “Le couvent et la bibliothèque de Cluny vers le milieu du Xle siècle,” Revue Mabillon 11 (1921): 9294, 104–6. Text itself at Liber tramitis aevi Odilonis abbatis, ed. Dinter Peter, CCM 10 (Siegburg, Germany: Verlag Franz Schmitt, 1980), 261–64.

19 See, respectively, London, BL Harley 3026; London, BL Harley 3102; and London, BL Egerton 2782.

20 See the description of an eleventh-century version of Haimo on Ezekiel in Stirnemann Patricia, “L'illustration du commentaire d'Haymon sur Ezéchiel: Paris, B.N. latin 12302,” in L’école carolingienne d'Auxerre: De Murethach à Remi, 830-908, ed. Iogna-Prat Dominique, Jeudy Colette, and Lobrichon Guy (Paris: Beauchesne, 1991), 93117.

21 Bruce Scott G., “An Abbot Between Two Cultures: Maiolus of Cluny Confronts the Muslims of La Garde-Freinet,” Early Medieval Europe 15 (2007): 437–39. Bruce erroneously follows the PL's attribution of the commentary to Haimo of Halberstadt. It is, however, indeed Haimo of Auxerre's. See Quadri P. Riccardo, Aimone di Auxerre a la luce dei “Collectanea” di Heiric di Auxerre (Padua, Italy: Antenore, 1962), 718.

22 In the dedicatory verses of “Odilo's Bible” (Paris BNF lat. 15176), the scribe stole a poem from Alcuin to Charlemagne, replacing Alcuin's name with his and Charlemagne's with Odilo's. Another compilation on Mary commissioned by Odilo in the early eleventh century included Haimo's commentary on the Song of Songs. See, respectively, Stratford Neil, “La Bible dite ‘d'Odilon,’” in Cluny 910–2010: Onze Siècles De Rayonnement, ed. Stratford Neil (Paris: Editions du Patrimoine Centre des monuments nationaux, 2010), 92; and Garand Monique-Cécile, “Une collection personelle de Saint Odilon de Cluny et ses complements,” Scriptorium 33 (1979): 163–80.

23 Iogna-Prat Dominique, Order & Exculsion: Cluny and Christendom Face Heresy, Judaism, and Islam (1000–1150), trans. Edwards Graham Robert (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2002), 106; Cochelin Isabelle, “When Monks Were the Book: The Bible and Monasticism (6th-11th Centuries),” in The Practice of the Bible in the Middle Ages: Production, Reception, and Performance in Western Christianity, ed. Boynton Susan and Reilly Diane J. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011), 64. See also Moore Michael E. Hoenicke, “Demons and the Battle for Souls at Cluny,” Studies in Religion/ Sciences Religieuses 32 (2003): 488–91; who suggests that Odilo's demonology was rooted in Carolingian thought.

24 Lobrichon Guy, “L'ordre de ce temps et les désordres de la Fin: Apocalypse et société, du XIe à la fin du XIe siècle,” in The Use and Abuse of Eschatology in the Middle Ages, ed. Verbeke Werner, Verhelst Daniel, and Welkhenhuysen Andries (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1988), 235; and Heath Robert G., Crux Imperatorum Philosophia: Imperial Horizons of the Cluniac Confraternitas, 964–1109 (Pittsburgh, Penn: Pickwick Press, 1976), 9394.

25 Bulst N., “Hugo I. v. Semur, hl., 6. Abt v. Cluny,” in Lexikon des Mittelalters, 10 vols. (Stuttgart: Metzler, [1977]–1999), vol. 5, cols 165–66.

26 Smalley Beryl, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1964), 44. More recently echoed in Lobrichon, “L'ordre de ce temps et les désordres de la Fin,” 236–37.

27 John of Salerno, Vita Odonis, PL 133:49, 60. Most likely, Odo is specifically commenting on what we know of as the Book of Lamentations, which Hrabanus Maurus and Paschasius Radbertus had both also commented on in three books. See Matter E. Ann, “The Lamentations Commentaries of Hrabanus Maurus and Paschasius Radbertus,” Traditio 38 (1982): 137–63. See also Rosé, Construire une société seigneuriale, 132n365; and Rosenwein Barbara, Rhinocerous Bound: Cluny in the Tenth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982), 57, 66–67, 72.

28 See the dated (but still impressive) list compiled by Burton van Name Edwards at See also the case study in Iogna-Prat Dominique, “Lieu de culte et exégèse liturgique à l’époque carolingienne,” in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. Chazelle Celia and van Name Edwards Burton (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 242–43.

29 In addition, Abbot Maiolus of Cluny reformed Saint-Germain in 980. See Rosenwein, Rhinoceros Bound, 54.

30 “God changes times and ages; erects and transforms kingdoms.”

31 “Justus autem Dominus in viis suis, et sanctus in omnibus operibus suis, qui, cum in plerisque judiciis incomprehensibilis habeatur, in nullo unquam valet reprehensibilis aestimari, ipse transfert regna et mutat tempora [Dan. 2:21]: ipsi visum est in eadem urbe olim Tarraconensis urbis gloriam exaltare; ipsi visum est in eadem urbe peccata populi sui visitare. Cum enim in ea Christianorum populus habitaret, visitavit in virga iniquitates eorum et in verberibus peccata eorum. Sed ecce jam transactis trecentis nonaginta annis, ex quo praefatam urbem Agarenorum gens prope solitariam fecerit, principum suorum cordibus inspirare dignatus est ut ejusdem urbis restitutioni, secundum praeceptum apostolicae sedis, cui auctoritate Dei, licet indigni, praesidemus, insisterent” (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:332–33). The best single account of Urban's interest in Tarragona remains unpublished, see McCrank Lawrence J., “Restoration and Reconquest in Medieval Catalonia: The Church and Principality of Tarragona, 971–1177” (PhD Dissertation, History, University of Virginia, 1974).

32 “Universis fere per orbem Christianorum populis notum esse credimus Siciliae insulam, multis quondam et nobilibus illustratam Ecclesiis, opibusque et populo copiosam, multorumque religione effulsisse virorum, et quarumdam sanctissimarum martyrum et virginum claruisse martyrio. . . . Dominator autem rerum omnium Deus, cujus sapientia et fortitudo, quando vult, regnum transfert, et mutat tempora [Dan. 2:21], quemadmodum ex occidentis partibus militem Rogerium, scilicet virum et consilio optimum, et bello strenuissimum, ad eamdem insulam transtulit, qui multo labore, frequentibus praeliis, et crebris suorum militum caede et sanguinis effusione regionem praedictam a servitute gentilium opitulante Domino liberavit” (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:370–71).

33 “Omnipotentis Dei dispositione mutantur tempora, transferuntur regna [Dan. 2:21]; hinc est quod magni nominis nationes dirutas et depressas, viles vero atque exiguas nonnunquam legimus exaltatas; hinc est quod in quibusdam regionibus Christiani nominis potestatem paganorum feritas occupavit, in quibusdam iterum paganorum tyrannidem Christianae potentiae dignitas conculcavit. Sicut nostris temporibus gloriosissimorum principum Roberti ducis et Rogerii comitis fortitudine supremae dignationis miseratio omnem Saracenorum molestiam in Sicilia insula expugnavit, et antiquum Ecclesiae sanctae statum pro voluntatis suae beneplacito recuperavit” (Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:510). This particular letter bears a strong resemblance to a 1083 letter given by Gregory VII to Archbishop Alcherius of Palermo. See the discussion of Gregory's letter in Whalen Brett Edward, Dominion of God: Christendom and Apocalypse in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009), 36.

34 Generally, see the discussion in Becker, Papst Urban II, 2: 355–57.

35 Gregory I, Registrum, ed. Ewald P. and Hartmann L. M., MGH Epist. 2 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1899), 397. This tradition has been traced back in Ringel Ingrid Heike, “Ipse transfert regna et mutat tempora: Beobachtungen zur Herkunft von Dan. 2,21 bei Urban II,” in Deus qui mutat tempora: Menschen und Institutionen im Wandel des Mittelalters, eds. Hehl Ernst-Dieter, Seibert Hubertus, and Staab Franz (Sigmaringen, Germany: J. Thorbecke, 1987), 137–56.

36 For example, Manegold of Lautenbach, Ad Geberhardum, ed. Francke K., MGH LdL 1 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1891), 362; and Damian Peter, Epistolae, ed. Reindel Kurt, MGH Epist. 4:1 (Münich: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1983), 143. Daniel was referenced more generally by other authors involved in the conflict between king and pope but never specifically Daniel 2:21. For instance, see Anonymous of Hersfeld, De unitate ecclesiae conservanda, ed. Schweckenbecher W., MGH LdL 2 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1892), 204, 231; and Bernold of Hildesheim, Liber canonum contra Heinricum IV, ed. Thaner F., MGH LdL 1 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1891), 483, 502.

37 Jerome, In Danielem, ed. Glorie Francisco, CCSL 75A (Turnhout: Brepols, 1964), 787. For more on Jerome's commentary, see Courtray Régis, Prophète des temps derniers: Jérome commente Daniel (Paris: Beauchesne, 2009).

38 Concilium Parisiense, MGH Concilia 2.2 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1908), 541; Theodulf of Orléans, Carminae, MGH Poetae 1 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1881), 474, 475, 492; idem, Libri Carolini, ed. Freeman Ann and Meyvaert Paul (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1998), 154, 156, 306; Dhuoda, Liber Manualis, ed. and trans. Thiébaux Marcelle (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 98, 142, 176; Scottus Sedulius, Collectaneum miscellaneum, ed. Simpson D., CCCM 67 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1988), 81, 113, 159, 168, 182, 214; Heiric of Auxerre, Collecteana, ed. Quadri Riccardo, Spicilegium Friburgense 2 (Freiburg, Germany: Freiburg University Press, 1966), 115, 117, 120, 121, 124–27, 130, 155; Eriugena John Scotus, Expositiones in hierarchiam coelestem, ed. Barbet J., CCCM 31 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1975), 131–32, 185, 191; Christian of Stavelot, Expositio super librum generationis, ed. Huygens R. B. C., CCCM 224 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 436, 439; Notker the Stammerer, Gesta Karoli Magni imperatoris, ed. Haefele H. F., MGH SRG n.s. 12 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1959), 1; and on the Visio Karoli Magni, see Dutton Paul Edward, The Politics of Dreaming in the Carolingian Empire (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), 200–8. Ingrid Ringel has noted that Beatus of Liébana (d. ca. 798) and Paulus Alvarus of Cordoba (d. after 860) referenced Daniel extensively in their writings and should be seen as having influenced Urban. Yet, neither specifically invoked Daniel 2:21 and neither were found in Cluny's library. See Ringel, “Ipse transfert regna,” 137–56; Beatus of Liébana, Commentarius in Apocalypsin, ed. Romero-Pose E., 2 vols. (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico, 1985); and Paulus Alvarus, Indiculus Luminosus, PL 121:513–56.

39 Liudprand of Cremona, Relatio de legatione Constantinopolitana, ed. Becker Joseph, MGH SRG 41 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1915), 195; Hrosvita of Gandersheim, Gesta Ottonis, ed. von Winterfeld P., MGH SRG 34 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1902), 204; Fulcuin of Lobbes, Gesta abbatum Lobiensium, MGH SS 4: 55, 71; Adso of Montier-en-Der, De antichristo, ed. Verhelst D., CCCM 45 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1976), 25, and 122, 148; and Heriger of Lobbes, Epistolae, PL 159:1129.

40 Shimahara, “Daniel et les visions,” 19–21; idem, Le succès médiéval de l’Annotation brève sur Daniel d'Haymon d'Auxerre, texte scolaire carolingien exhortant à la réforme,” in Études d'exégèse carolingienne: Autour d'Haymon d'Auxerre, ed. Shimahara Sumi (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 124–25; and Courtray Régis, “La réception du Commentaire sur Daniel de Jérôme dans l'Occident médiéval chrétien (VIIe-XIIe siècle),” Sacris Erudiri 44 (2005): 127–41.

41 On the development of exegesis in the ninth century, see Chazelle Celia, and van Name Edwards Burton, “Introduction: The Study of the Bible and Carolingian Culture,” in The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era, ed. Chazelle Celia and van Name Edwards Burton (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), 1012; and especially Berarducci, “L'esegesi della Rinascita carolingia,” 167–98.

42Ipse mutat tempora et aetates, transfert regna atque constituit. Non ergo miremur siquando cernimus regibus reges et regnis regna succedere, quae dei gubernantur et mutantur arbitrio. Causasque singulorum nouit ille qui conditor est omnium, et saepe malos reges patitur suscitari ut mali malos puniant; simulque subostendit, et generali disputatione preparat auditorem, et somnium quod uidit esse de mutationem et succisionem regnorum” (Hrbanus Maurus, In Danielem). Text courtesy of William Schipper, personal correspondance, October 7, 2009. Prof. Schipper is currently preparing an edition of the commentary for the CCCM. Hrabanus’ dedicatory epistle of the work (to Louis the German [840–76]) is available at Maurus Hrabanus, Ad Ludowicum, ed. Dümmler Ernest, MGH Epist. Karol. 5 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1899), 467–69. See also Courtray, “La réception du Commentaire,” 127–30.

43 See Quadri, Aimone di Auxerre, 7–18; and Contreni John J., “Haimo of Auxerre, Abbot of Sasceium (Cessy-les-Bois), and a New Sermon on 1 John V, 4–10,” Révue Bénédictine 85 (1975): 303–20. Heiric, in turn, was succeeded at Saint-Germain by Remigius of Auxerre, who later moved north, first taking over the cathedral school at Reims in 893 at the request of Archbishop Fulco (d. 900), then moving to Paris after his patron's death. See Contreni, “Haimo of Auxerre,” 307.

44 Lobrichon Guy, “Stalking the Signs: The Apocalyptic Commentaries,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950-1050, ed. Landes Richard, Gow Andrew, and van Meter David C. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 69. On Haimo's changes, see Courtray, “La réception du Commentaire,” 133–39; and then, for specific instances, Shimahara, “Succès médiéval,” 143–46; idem, “Daniel et les visions,” 24–27; and idem, “Représentation du pouvoir,” 81–82, 89.

45 “Ipse mutat tempora, id est sua prouidentia et dispositione facit reges regibus succedere, et regnis regna. Et interdum permittat malos regnare ut et mali malos puniant, et boni per eos probatiores fiant. Quarum rerum ideo meminit quia mutationem futuram in uisione cognouit” (Haimo of Auxerre, In Danielem). Text courtesy of Sumi Shimahara, personal correspondance, October 3, 2009. Dr. Shimahara is currently preparing an edition of this commentary for the CCCM.

46 Contreni, “Haimo of Auxerre,” 234; and Shimahara, “Le succès médiéval,” 159–63.

47 Contreni John J., “Haimo of Auxerre's Commentary on Ezekiel,” in L’école carolingienne d'Auxerre: De Murethach à Remi, 830–908, ed. Iogna-Prat Dominique, Jeudy Colette, and Lobrichon Guy (Paris: Beauchesne, 1991), 235.

48 Shimahara, “Le succès médiéval,” 163; and idem, “Daniel et les visions,” 25–27.

49 Text reproduced in Haimo of Auxerre, In Isaiam 5,1-6,1, in Gabriel C., “Commentaires inédits d'Haymon d'Auxerre sur Isaïe 5,1 - 6,1,” Sacris Erudiri 35 (1995): 109–10. This sentiment of collective responsibility was especially pronounced in one of Haimo's contemporaries, Nithard, who saw greed driving the evil actions of his contemporaries. Nithard, Historiarum libri III, ed. Müller E., MGH SRG 44 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1907), especially 3950.

50 Wala (d. 836), for example, could be seen as a new Jeremiah. Notker the Stammerer was a new Daniel. See de Jong Mayke, The Penitential State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814-840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 102–11, 146–47, 166–69; and Dutton, Politics of Dreaming, 199–200; respectively. More generally, see Shimahara Sumi, “La Représentation du pouvoir séculier chez Haymon d'Auxerre,” in The Multiple Meanings of Scripture: The Role of Exegesis in Early-Christian and Medieval Culture, ed. van't Spijker Ineke (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2009), 7799; Contreni John J., “‘By Lions, Bishops are Meant; by Wolves, Priests:’ History, Exegesis, and the Carolingian Church in Haimo of Auxerre's Commentary on Ezechiel,” Francia 29 (2002): 3153; Dutton, Politics of Dreaming, 138–40, 204–5; and Riché Pierre, “La Bible et la vie politique dans le haut Moyen Âge,” in Le Moyen Age et la Bible, ed. Riché Pierre and Lobrichon Guy (Paris: Beauchesne, 1984), 385400.

51 Contreni, “History, Exegesis,” 49.

52 See Garrison Mary, “The Franks as the New Israel? Education for an Identity from Pippin to Charlemagne,” in The Uses of the Past in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Hen Yitzhak and Innes Matthew (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 114–61; and Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 97–106.

53 Alcuin, Epistolae, ed. Dümmler Ernest, MGH Epist. Karol 4 (Berlin: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1895), 25, 146, 259, 289, 292, and 295; Annales regni Francorum, ed. Krauze Friedrich, MGH SRG 6 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1895), 88; Thegan, Gesta Hludowici imperatoris, ed. Tremp Ernst, MGH SRG 64 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1995), 204, 208; Nithard, Historiarum, ed. Müller, 25, 28, 32, 34–35, 40; Annales Vedastini, ed. de Simson B., MGH SRG 12 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1909), 45, 48, 54, 57; Concilium Anjou, ed. Hartmann Wilfried, MGH Concilia 3 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1984), 205; Concilium Quierzy, ed. Hartmann Wilfried, MGH Concilia 3 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica 1984), 408, 419–20, 423; and Regino of Prüm, Chronicon, ed. Kurze Friedrich, MGH SRG 50 (Hannover, Germany: Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1890), 119. More generally, see Garipzanov Ildar H., The Symbolic Language of Authority in the Carolingian World (c. 751–877) (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2008), 282–83, 306–7.

54 de Jong, The Penitential State, especially chapters 4–6. See also Booker Courtney M., Past Convictions: The Penance of Louis the Pious and the Decline of the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009).

55 On the composition of Notker's Gesta Karoli Magni, see Maclean Simon, Kingship and Politics in the Late Ninth Century: Charles the Fat and the End of the Carolingian Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 201–4.

56 Notker, Gesta Karoli Magni, ed. Haefele, 1. On Notker's sources, see Goetz Hans-Werner, Strukturen der spätkarolinischen Epoche im Spiegel der Vorstellungen eines Zeitgenössischen Mönchs: Eine Interpretation der “Gesta Karoli” Notkers von Sankt Gallen (Bonn, Germany: Habelt, 1981), 7071. In another similar instance, Pope Sylvester II (999-1003) wrote to King Stephen of Hungary (997–1038) in 1000 CE, invoking Daniel 2:21 to praise the ascent of Stephen to the throne, like a new David over Israel (the Hungarians). See discussion in Whalen, Dominion of God, 20–21.

57 For example, see De Jong Mayke, “Charlemagne's Church,” in Charlemagne: Empire and Society, ed. Story Joanna (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 2005), 103–35.

58 Contreni, “History, Exegesis,” 38–53.

59 See above at note 17.

60 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:332–33, 370–72, and 510–11.

61 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:288.

62 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:303.

63 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:329.

64 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:339–41, 539, respectively.

65 Papsturkunden in Katalanien, ed. Kehr Paul, Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen (Berlin: Weidmann, 1926), no. 23.

66 Urban II, Epistolae, PL 151:504.

67 See Erdmann Carl, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Stuttgart, Germany: W. Kohlhammer, 1935; English trans., Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1977). More recently, see Cowdrey H. E. J., “The Gregorian Papacy, Byzantium, and the First Crusade,” Byzantinische Forschungen 13 (1988): 145–69; Becker, Papst Urban II., 2:294–300; Riley-Smith Jonathan, The First Crusaders, 1095-1131 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 4951; Flori Jean, La guerre sainte: La formation de l'idée de croisade dans l'Occident chrétien (Paris: Picard, 2001); Asbridge Thomas, The First Crusade: A New History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 139; Tyerman Christopher, God's War: A New History of the Crusades (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), 2757; and Purkis William J., Crusading Spirituality in the Holy Land and Iberia, c.1095-c.1187 (Rochester, N.Y.: Boydell & Brewer, 2008), 1822.

68 Urban may also have found some of Gregory's ideas appealing because, when Gregory himself was a monk, he may have imbibed some of the same Cluniac material Urban did. After his initial education, likely at the Lateran, Hildebrand spent time at the Cluniac house of St. Mary's-on-the-Aventine in Rome (reformed by Odo of Cluny), then perhaps at one of the many monasteries around Cologne, and probably visited Cluny itself near the end of Odilo's abbacy. See Cowdrey H. E. J., Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 2830.

69 On Gregory's proposed expedition, see Cowdrey H. E. J., “Pope Gregory VII's ‘Crusading’ Plans of 1074,” in Outremer: Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem, ed. Kedar B. Z., Mayer H. E., and Smail R. C. (Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Institute, 1982), 2740; and more recently Magdalino Paul, “Church, Empire and Christendom in c. 600 and c. 1075: The View from the Registers of Popes Gregory I and Gregory VII,” in Cristianita' d'Occidente e cristianita' d'Oriente (secoli VI-XI): aprile 24-30, 2003 (Spoleto, Italy: Presso la Sede della Fondazione, 2004), especially 2830.

70 Stock Brian, The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983), especially 88240; also Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 1–12.

71 For instance, see Bull Marcus, “Views of Muslims and of Jerusalem in Miracle Stories, c. 1000–c. 1200: Reflections on the Study of the First Crusaders’ Motivations,” in The Experience of Crusading, ed. Bull Marcus and Housley Norman, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 1:22; and Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 145–50.

72 Coupland Simon, “The Rod of God's Wrath or the People of God's Wrath? The Carolingian Theology of the Viking Invasions,” The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42 (1991): 535–54; and Jones Anna Trumbore, “Pitying the Desolation of Such a Place: Rebuilding Religious Houses and Constructing Memory in Aquitaine in the Wake of the Viking Incursions,” Viator 37 (2006): 85102.

73 See Gabriele, Empire of Memory, 145–59, especially 153–54.

74 In his account of the First Crusade, Baldric of Dol may have sensed, but certainly echoed, Urban's reliance on Daniel 2:21 in explaining the events he witnessed. See Baldric of Dol, Historia Jerosolimitana, RHC Occ. 4:9; and the discussion in Whalen, Dominion of God, 53.

Recommend this journal

Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this journal to your organisation's collection.

Church History
  • ISSN: 0009-6407
  • EISSN: 1755-2613
  • URL: /core/journals/church-history
Please enter your name
Please enter a valid email address
Who would you like to send this to? *


Full text views

Total number of HTML views: 9
Total number of PDF views: 69 *
Loading metrics...

Abstract views

Total abstract views: 275 *
Loading metrics...

* Views captured on Cambridge Core between September 2016 - 18th November 2017. This data will be updated every 24 hours.