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National Construction of Occupational Identity: Jewish Clerks in British-Ruled Palestine

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 April 2012

David De Vries
David De Vries
Affiliation:
Tel Aviv University
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Extract

This essay addresses the relationship between white-collar workers and nationalism by introducing a cultural-symbolic approach to examine how national discourse became an essential “point of production” of white-collar identities, particularly those of clerks and clerical work. Based on an analysis of the imagery that clerks use to describe their work experience, this discussion attempts to document and explain how and why nationalism, as a cultural system with an internal logic and specific stylistic devices, was employed by the clerks “from below” to construct their occupational identity.

The association between white-collar workers and nationalism, particularly in the context of state building, has long attracted the attention of sociologists and historians. First, the emergence of non-manual workers as the social basis of bureaucratic organizations was linked to state formation. Second, the role of white-collar workers in the evolution of national-capitalist economies and urban consumer communities was regarded as essential in linking state building and economic change. Third, political and social histories of the nationalist Right centered on bureaucrats and clerical employees as standard-bearers of conservative politics.

Type
Occupational Identity
Information
Comparative Studies in Society and History , Volume 39 , Issue 2 , April 1997 , pp. 373 - 400
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1997

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18 Data on these aspects are found in primary sources of the clerks themselves: minutes of meetings, correspondence and reports of the Union of Clerks, its bulletins, and also in archival sources relating to non-unionized clerks. Indirect sources include primary and secondary material of the Histadrut and of public and private establishments where clerks were employed. The archival material of the Clerks Union is found in the labor movement archives in the Lavon Institute in Tel Aviv [hereafter LA]. For meeting minutes and correspondence of the Clerks' Union, see LA/IV-236. Relevant British material is found in the Israel State Archives in Jerusalem. The files of Zionist institutions are found in the Central Zionist Archive in Jerusalem.

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20 For functional significance, see B. Barber, “Inequality and Occupational Prestige: Theory, Research, and Social Policy.: in idem, ed., Constructing the Social Sxstem, 165–91 (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1993).

21 Din Ve-Cheshbon Shel Histadrut Hu-Pekidim [Report by the Union of Clerks], 1925–1927; and Divrei Ha-Kinus Ha-Artsi Ha-Rishon Shel Pekidei Batei Mischar [Minutes of The First National Assembly of Commercial Clerks] (Tel Aviv, May 1938)Google Scholar.

22 A.Y. S.H., “Ha-Pakid Ve-Ha-Yeshuv” [The Clerk and the Jewish Settlement], in Michtav Chozer, Agudat Ha-Pekidim. Yafo (1922), 3. LA/IV-43-25: see also the notion of the clerks' constructive role in the Zionist undertaking, in Histadrut Ha-Pekidim, Alan Ha-Va'ad Ha- Merkazi, 3 (May 1933), 3: in 1931. membership of the Clerks' Union reached 1,522. mostly male clerks. Some 635 were employed in public Zionist institutions; 188, in public and private banks; 469, in private trading houses and offices; 86, in industry: 125 unemployed; and 19 were unclassified. None worked in the government because association was not allowed. In 1937 there were in Palestine 12,486 Jewish clerks (12 percent of all Jewish workers): 1,475 worked for Zionist and Histadrut institutions; 1,054, in private and public banks; and only 305 in government. See Din Ve-Cheshbon Shel Histadrut Ha-Pekidim (August 1929–November 1931); Preuss, W., “Tsibur Ha-Pekidim Be-Eretz Israel [The Clerks' Community in Palestine),” Pinkas, 1 (June 1938), 4–7Google Scholar.

23 R. “Matsav Ha-Pekidim Be-Eretz Israel” [The Condition of the Clerks in Palestine], Michtav Chozer, Aguadt Ha-Pekidim. Yafo (1922), 3–6, LA/IV-143-25; Preuss, W., “Pekidim Yehudim Be-Eretz Israel, Matsavam U-Tenaei Avodatam Be-5688” [Jewish Clerks in Palestine, Their State and Working Conditions in 1928], Choveret Le-Inianei Ha-Pekidim (Tishrei 5689) [September 1928], 13Google Scholar; Roland, A., “Im Hofa'at ‘Sifri'at Ha-Pakid’” [With the Emergence of ‘The Clerk's Library’], Pinkas, 9–10 (October 1936), 8Google Scholar; “Devar Ha-Va'ad Ha-Merkazi Shel Histadrut Ha-Pekidim” [Leader of the Central Committee of the Union of Clerks], Shurot, 5 (March 1939), 1Google Scholar.

24 Tazkir Histadrut Ha-Pekidim Be-Eretz Israel La-Va'ad Ha-Tsirim Ue-La-Va'ad Ha-Poel Shel Ha-Va'ad Ha-Yehudi Ha-Zemani [Memorandum of the Clerks' Union of Palestine to the Jewish Delegates' Committee and the Executive of the Jewish Temporary Committee], February 1919. LA/IV-143-1: A. Globman, “Ovdei Tenua o' Avdei Misrad” [Movement Workers or Office Slaves], Pinkas. (March 1, 1930), 3–6; Histadrut Ha-Pekidim, Senif Cheifa, Bulletin, (January 1931), 1–4: Histadrut Ha-Pekidim. Din Ve-Cheshbon La-Ve'ida Ha-Revi'it Shel Hci-Histadrut Ha-Klalit [Union of Clerks Report to the Fourth General Convention of the Histadrut] (1932); Baki, M., “Lekach Echad Mini Rabim” [One Lesson of Many], Pinkas, 9–10 (October 1936), 4–7Google Scholar; “Be-Ikvot Ha-Yamim” [Following the Days], Shurot, 2 (August 1938), 1Google Scholar.

25 Misradai, D., “Ovdei Misradim—Eich Itmechu Ba-Ta'asia?” [Office Workers—How Would They Support Industry?], Shurot, 3 (October 1938), 11–12Google Scholar.

26 On national roles, see correspondence in 1931: LA/IV-236-1-115. and LA/IV-236-1-116; Ha-Pekidim, Histadrut, Alon Ha-Va'ad Ha-Merkazi, 8 (July 1934)Google Scholar; for Hebrew typewriters, see advertisement to Ivri'ia, . Pinkas, 11–12 (February 1937)Google Scholar.

27 For organization see LA/IV-250-72-1-633; Histadrut Ha-Pekidim, Din Ve-Cheshbon LaVe'ida Ha-Chamishit Shel Histadrut Ha-Pekidim [Union of Clerks' Report to the Its Fifth Convention] (1933–41); Ayalon, Y.,; “Ha-Hitstarfut Le-Histadrut Ha-Ovdim” [The Joining of the Workers' Federation], Shurot, 9–10 (December 1939), 5–6Google Scholar; for clerks in the private sector, see the minutes of Ha-Kinus Ha-Artsi Ha-Rishon Sehl Pekidei Ha-Mischar [First National Convention of Commercial Clerks] (Tel Aviv, May 1938)Google Scholar; Ben-Gurion, D., “Ha-Yi'ud Ha-Leumi Shel Ma'amad Ha-Poalim” [The National Destiny of the Working Class], Kuntres, 210 (24 Adar 5685) [March 20, 1925Google Scholar].

28 Nemirovsky, M., “Matsaveinu Be-Pekidut Ha-Memshala” [Our Condition in Government Clerking], Pinkas, 1 (March 1930), 11Google Scholar; note also the data on pp. 7–9 offered to support the argument that between 1921 and 1929 the share of the Jews in Palestine's population rose from 11.6 to 18.9 percent but that of Jewish clerks in government positions decreased from 26.2 to 22.5 percent.

29 For the Singer affair, see Din Ve-Cheshbon La-Ve'ida Ha-Shlishit Shel Ha-Hisldrut HaKlalit [Report to the Third Histadrut Convention] (1927), 59–60; for the 1946 strike, see Shurot, February–November, 1946; and Be-Mivchan Ha-Ma'aseh.

30 Hachlatot Mo'etset Histadrul Ha-Pekidim [Resolutions of the Council of the Clerks' Union] (December 17–19, 1931), in Din Ve-Cheshbon. Shel Histantt Ha-Pekidim La-Ve'ida HaRevi'it Shel Ha-Histadrut Ha-Klalit [Union of Clerks' Report to the Histadrut Fourth General Convention] (1933), 26–29. The term “Public [Mass or Community] of Workers” was the labor movement's common substitute for class and was based on communal self-descriptions of the Jewish community in the Diaspora.

31 Pekidut referred to clerking and avoda misradit to office work. One writer of Shurot, the bulletin of the clerks' union and one of the best guides to clerks' discourse, gave himself the pen name of Misradai, thus creating an identity between the clerk and his workplace. This was quite common: construction union activists named themselves banai, builder; and industrial workers signed their names as poel-charoshet (industrial worker). Pseudonyms also protected individuals from the reaction of the authorities.

32 For differentiation between clerks, see Ger., “Ha-Pekidut Ha-Tsiburit” [Public Clerking], Ha-Poel Ha-Tsair, 15–16 (15 (Nissan 5679) [April 15. 1919]Google Scholar: Alon Chaverim, (2 Tishrei 5687) [September 10. 1926]. 8Google Scholar: Preuss, W.. “Pekidim Yehudim Be-Eretz Israel, Matsavam U-Tenaei Avodatam Be-5688” [Jewish Clerks in Palestine. Their State and Working Conditions in 1928], in Choveret Le-Inianei Ha-Pekidim (Tishrei 5688) [September 1928], 13Google Scholar; for the trustworthy employee, see Walley, P., “Negotiating the Boundaries of Engineering: Professionals, Managers and Manual Work.” Research in the Sociology of Organizations, 8 (1991), 191–215Google Scholar.

33 Argov, A., “Al Chilufei Pekidim” [On Exchanging Clerks], Pinkas, 3 (October 1935), 24Google Scholar.

34 Cheifa, Mo'etset Poalei, Din Ve-Cheshhon Shel Ha-Va'ad Ha-Poel Lishnat 5689–5690 [Report of the Haifa Labor Council Executive for the Year 5689–5690] (Haifa, January 1931), 9Google Scholar: Idem. Din Ve-Cheshbon Al Pe'ulut Ha-Mo'atsa Be-5691 [Report on the Activities of the Haifa Labor Council in 1931] (Haifa, January 1932), 18–19.

35 R. “Matsav Ha-Pekidim Be-Eretz Israel” [The Condition of the Clerks in Palestine], in Michtav Chozer, Agudat Ha-Pekidim, Yafo (1922), 6, LA/IV-143-25; see also Weinryb, D., “Me-Ha-Ba'aiot Ha-Sotsiologiot Ba-Arets” [Among the Sociological Problems of the Country], Mozna'aim, 5:29 (Sivan 5697) [May-June 1937], 539–40Google Scholar.

36 For the building image, see Y. L. Ben-Tovim, “Pekidim, Aleph: Ha-Pinkasan” [Clerks. A: The Bookkeeper], Pinkos (March 1930), 28; for the climate aspect, see B. Chaiut, “Shmirat Ha-Bri'ut” [Health Keeping], Pinkas (October 1936), 26, and the review “Bri'ut Ha-Pakid” [The Clerk's Health], Shurot, 5 (March 1939), 26Google Scholar; for the health aspect, see Keitsad Ishmor Ha-Pakid Gufo? [How Shall the Clerk Maintain his Body?] (Tel Aviv: Histadrut Ha-Pekidim Ve-Hapoel, 1938)Google Scholar; for the “mind-worker.” see Khoushi, A., “Havai Ha-Chaim Ve-Harama Ha-Tarbutit Shel Tsibur Ha-Ovdim” [Way of Life and Cultural Level of the Public of Workers], Draft, Abba Khousi Collection, Abba Khoushi Archives. Haifa UniversityGoogle Scholar. File 19: for productivity, see Ger, “Ha-Pekidut Ha-Tsiburit” [Public Clerking].

37 Kaplan, U.Keitsad Yemaleh Ha-Pakid Et Yemei Chufshato? [How Shall the Clerk Spend his Vacation Days?] (Tel Aviv: Histadrut Ha-Pekidim. 1937)Google Scholar.

38 For Pakid and Tafkid, see Remez, D. “Efod Bad” [Cloth Efod], Pinkas, 8–9 (April 1936), 3–5Google Scholar; for the clerks' laborist past, see Nemirovsky, M., Matsavam Shel Pekidei Batei Ha-Mischar [The Condition of Commercial Clerks] (Tel Aviv: Histadrut Ha-Pekidim, 1932), 9. 11. 19Google Scholar; for the legacy of the Palestine Office, see Ha-Ma'arechet, . “Devar Ha-Va'ad Ha-Merkazi Shel Histadrut Ha-Pekidim” [Leader of the Central Committee of the Union of Clerks], Shurot, 5 (March 1939), 2Google Scholar.

39 Be-Mivchan Ha-Ma'aseh, 4 and 7.

40 “Be-Ikvot Ha-Yamim” [Following the Days], Shurot 2 (August 1938), 1Google Scholar; Greenberg, Zvi, “Ha-Tafkid Ve-Ha-Ma'ase Shel Histadrut Ha-Pekidim Be-Medinat Israel” [The Role and Practice of the Union of Clerks in the State of Israel], Shurot, 91:2 (July-August 1949), 8–13Google Scholar. Between 1945 and 1949, the number of unionized clerks working in Jewish national institutions rose from 1.800 to 3,500 and those working in Histadrut institutions rose from 1,800 to 4.800, according to Be-Mivchan Ha-Ma'ase, 32: for data on the decline of clerking in the 1950s, see Rolbant, S., Ha-Mivneh Ha-Demographi, Ha-Kalkali Ve-Ha-Chevrati Shel Tsibur Ha-Pekidim Be-Israel [The Demographie. Economic and Social Structure of the Clerks in Israel] (Tel Aviv: Histadrut Ha-Pekidim, 1961), 55–56Google Scholar.

41 For the national qualities of commercial clerking, see Ha-Kinus Ha-Artsi Shel Pekidei Ha-Mischar [The First National Assembly of Commercial Clerks] (Tel Aviv, May 1938), 3Google Scholar.

42 On the Mount Sinai image, see Ben-Tovim, Y. L., “Pekidim” (Tsilumei Rega) [Clerks (Still Photographs)], Shurot, 4 (December 1938), 6–7Google Scholar; on qualities, see Y. L. Ben-Tovim, “Pekidim, Aleph: Ha-Pinkasan” [Clerks. A: The Book-Keeper], Pinkas (March 1930), 28; Histadrut Ha-Pekidim. Alon Ha-Va'ad Ha-Merkazi Shel Histadrut Ha-Pekidim [Bulletin of the Central Committee of the Union of Clerks] (December 1933). 4; Histarut Ha-Pekidim. Alon Ha-Va'ad Ha-Merkazi Shel Histadrut Ha-Pekidim [The Bulletin of the Central Committee of the Union of Clerks] (June 1934), 18–19; Flanberg, D.. “Mitsvot Aseh Le-Pekidei Ha-Mischar” [Positive Precepts to Commercial Clerks], Pinkas, 4–5 (December 1935), 22–23Google Scholar.

43 For stenography, see Mimon, Y., “Al Ha-Stinographia Ve-Atidoteha” [On Stenography and its Future], Choveret Le-Inianei Ha-Pekidim (Tishrei 5689) [September 1928], 28–30Google Scholar; for professionalization, see “Be-Ikvot Ha-Yamim” [Following the Days], Shurot, 4 (December 1938), 1Google Scholar: and Lubetkin, M., “Be-Oto Inian” [On the Same Issue], Pinkas, 4–5 (December 1935), 18–19Google Scholar; for support of Taylorism, see Bernstein, Y., “Ha-Irgun Ha-Mada'i Ba-Avoda Ha-Misradit” [The Scientific Organization of Office Work], Pinkas, 2 (September 1930), 6–12Google Scholar; for clerks as national builders, see Haft, Y., “Boker Tov Haya” [Good Morning That Was], Shuwt, 5 (March 1939), 2Google Scholar; for the educational aspects, see Zavol, G. A., “Ha-She'elot Shel Pe'ilut Tarbutit Bein Pekidei Ha-Mischar” [The Questions of Cultural Activity Among Commercial Clerks], Ha-Kinus Ha-Artsi Ha-Rishon Shel Pekidei Ha-Mischar [The First National Assembly of Commercial Clerks] (Tel. Aviv, May 1938), 18–21Google Scholar.

44 Ben-Ze'ev, Ch., “Pekidei Misradim U-Batei Mischar” [Office Clerks and Commercial Establishments], Pinkas, 2 (September 1930), 32Google Scholar. The writer also alludes to the European notion of the contrast between appearance and income: “La misere en habit-noir.”

45 For the struggle against cuts in Zionist national institutions, see for example LA/IV-236-2-227.

46 Gavrielli, Ch., “Ha-Politika Ha-Ta'arifit Shel Histadrut Ha-Pekidim” [The Tariff Politics of the Clerks' Union], Choveret Le-lnianei Ha-Pekidim (Tishrei 5689) [September 1928], 14Google Scholar.

47 For images of collective bargaining, see LA/IV-250-36-1 -1895-a and LA/IV-250-36-1-1896: Dr.Bendix, L., “Chozeh Ha-Avoda Ve-Erko La-Oved Ha-Ivri” [The Work-Contract and its Value for the Jewish Worker], Shurot, 3 (October 1938), 8Google Scholar; for non-unionized clerks, see LA/IV-250-27-1-61-B.

48 On “cushioning devices.” see for example LA/IV-250-72-1-3215 and LA/IV-236-1-104.

49 This ambiguity is reflected in the relations between the Haifa Labor Council and the local branch of the clerks' union. See LA/IV-236-1-118 and 119. For the dual loyalty, see Repetor, B., “Ha-Pakid Be-Tenu'at Ha-Avoda” (The Clerk in the Labor Movement), Pinkas, 11–12 (February 1937), 9Google Scholar: and LA/IV-236-1-84.

50 For qualifications, see LA/IV-250-36-1-1898-a: Weinryb, D., “Me-Ba'aiot Ha-Pekidut Ha-Yehudit” [Among the Problem of Jewish Clerking], Shurot, 4 (December 1938), 3–4Google Scholar: Iinmanuel, D. “Rationalizatsia Be-Avodat Ha-Misrad” [Rationalization in Office Work], Shurot, 113 (May 1951), 7Google Scholar.

51 For clerks' union as an umbrella organization, see Histadrut Ha-Pekidim. Din Ve-Cheshbon La-Ve'ida Ha-Chumishit [Report of the Union of Clerks to its Fifth Convention] (1.1.33–1.7.41): for the great chain image, see the short introduction by the editor of Shurot, 23–24 (September 1941), 1Google Scholar; see also the national language of urban labor in De Vries, D., “Proletarianization and National Segregation: Haifa in the 19205,” Middle Eastern Studies, 30:4 (October 1994), 860–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In 1922, only 6 percent, or 500, of 8.500 Histadrut members were also members of the Clerks' Union. In January 1949, the share of unionized clerks among Histadrut members had risen to 21.7 percent (20.400 in the Clerks' Union out of 94,000. These numbers did not include spouses nor 9,000 state employees, including 5,000 clerks and 4,000 in the police, public works and transport). In 1949, the Clerks' Union membership in Jerusalem constituted 29.8 percent of the town's Histadrut membership: in Haifa, 20.7 percent: and in Tel Aviv. 22.2 percent, See Be-Mivachn Ha-Ma'aseh, and Beshnot Ha-Shloshim, 3–5, 335.

52 Krupnik, M., “Histadrut Ha-Pekidim” [The Union of Clerks], Kuntres, 258 (2 Iyar 5686) [April 16, 1926]Google Scholar.

53 Ha-Ma'arechet, , “Be-Ikvot Ha-Yamim” [After These Days], Shurot, 2 (August 1938), 1Google Scholar.

54 Repetor, B., “Ha-Pakid Be-Tenu'at Ha-Avoda” [The Clerk in the Labor Movement], Pinkas, 11–12 (February 1937), 8–9Google Scholar: for the role of clerks in a socialist economy, see Meltser, N., “Ha-Matsav Ha-Kalali Shel Pekidei Ha-Mischar” [The General Condition of Commercial Clerks]. Ha-Kinus Ha-Artsi Ha-Rishon Shel Pekidei Ha-Mischar [The First National Assembly of Commercial Clerks] (Tel Aviv. May 1938). 3Google Scholar; see also the poem by Shalom, Sh., “Pekid Medinat Israel” [The State of Israel's Clerk], Shurot, 109 (January 1951), 1Google Scholar.

55 For autonomy, see for instance the case of Haifa in Mo'etset Poalei Cheifa, Din Ve-Cheshbon, 1931, 9: for the later conflict, see Be-Mivchan Ha-Ma'aseh; on unionizing state clerks, see LA/IV-72-1-2368-C. In 1956, 25 percent of Histadrut membership were clerks (including state employees). Clerks in industry and manufacture constituted only 20.2 percent: see Har-Paz, C., “Shinu'im Demographi'im Ve-Chevrati'im Be-Uchlusi'at Ha-Histadrut” [Demographic and Social Changes in the Population of the Histadrut], Mo'ed: Yovel Ha-Arabai'im Shel Ha-Histadrut [Fourtieth Anniversary of the Histadrut] (Tel Aviv: Histadrut, 1960), 605Google Scholar.

56 Ha-Pekidim, Histadrut, Din Ve-Cheshbon Shel Histadrut Ha-Pekidim La-Tekufa Yanuar 1950-Mertz 1952 [Union of Clerks Report for the Period January 1950-March 1952] (Tel Aviv: Histadrut Ha-Pekidim. 1952)Google Scholar; Amir, I., Histadrut Ha-Pekidim Be-Yerushala'im Ba-Asor Ha-Rishon La-Medina [The Union of Clerks in Jerusalem during the State's First Decade] (Jerusalem: Histadrut Ha-Pekidim, 1959)Google Scholar.

57 On the notion of service, see S. N. Eisenstadt, Israeli Society (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1967), ch. 1; for a local example, see Kodesh, S., ed., Ma'asim: Ha-Hisladrut Be-Cheifa Ba-Shanim 1945–1953, 14–16, 27–53 [Deeds: The Histadrut in Haifa in the Years 1945–1953] (Haifa: Mo'etset Poalei Cheifa, 1953)Google Scholar.

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60 Swidler, A., “Culture in Action: Symbols and Strategies,” American Sociological Review, 51:2 (April 1986), 273–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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63 Compare with Lockwood, The Blackcoated Worker, 125–33.

64 See also Kocka, J., “Class Formation, Interest, Articulation and Public Policy: The Origins of the German White-collar Class in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries.” in Berger, S., ed., Organizing Interests in Western Europe, 63–81 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981)Google Scholar.

65 Kocka, White Collar Workers in America, 267–84.

66 See Somers, M., “Narrativity, Narrative Identity, and Social Action: Rethinking English Working-Class Formation,” Social Science History, 16:4 (Winter 1992), 607–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.