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How Did the West Usurp the Rest? Origins of the Great Divergence over the Longue Durée

  • Alexander Anievas (a1) and Kerem Nişancioğlu (a2)


Traditional explanations of the “rise of the West” have located the sources of Western supremacy in structural or long-term developmental factors internal to Europe. By contrast, revisionist accounts have emphasized the conjunctural and contingent aspects of Europe's ascendancy, while highlighting intersocietal conditions that shaped this trajectory to global dominance. While sharing the revisionist focus on the non-Western sources of European development, we challenge their conjunctural explanation, which denies differences between “West” and “East” and within Europe. We do so by deploying the idea of uneven and combined development (UCD), which redresses the shortcomings found on both sides of the debate: the traditional Eurocentric focus on the structural and immanent characteristics of European development and the revisionists’ emphasis on contingency and the homogeneity of Eurasian societies. UCD resolves these problems by integrating structural and contingent factors into a unified explanation: unevenness makes sense of the sociological differences that revisionists miss, while combination captures the aleatory processes of interactive and multilinear development overlooked by Eurocentric approaches. From this perspective, the article examines the sociologically generative interactions between European and Asian societies’ development over the longue durée and traces how the breakdown of feudalism and the rise of capitalism in Europe were fundamentally rooted in and conditioned by extra-European structures and agents. This then sets up our conjunctural analysis of a central yet underappreciated factor explaining Europe rise to global dominance: the disintegration of the Mughal Empire and Britain's colonization of India.


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1 See, inter alia, Chirot, Daniel, “The Rise of the West,” American Sociological Review 50, 2 (1985): 181–95; Mann, Michael, The Sources of Social Power: A History of Power from the Beginning to AD 1760, vol. I (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), chs. 12–15; Landes, David, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations: Why Are some so Rich and others so Poor? (New York: W. W. Norton, 1998); Jones, Eric, The European Miracle: Environments, Economies and Geopolitics in the History of Europe and Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003); Ferguson, Niall, Civilization: The West and the Rest (London: Penguin, 2011).

2 Mann, Michael, “European Development: Approaching a Historical Explanation,” in Baechler, Jean, Hall, John A., and Mann, Michael, eds., Europe and the Rise of Capitalism (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989), 619, 6.

3 Duchesne, Ricardo, The Uniqueness of Western Civilization (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 236, 237–38.

4 See, among others, Frank, A. G., ReORIENT: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Pomeranz, Kenneth, The Great Divergence: China, Europe and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000); Hobson, John M., The Eastern Origins of Western Civilisation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Goody, Jack, Capitalism and Modernity: The Great Debate (Cambridge: Polity, 2004); Goldstone, Jack A., Why Europe? The Rise of the West in World History, 1500–1850 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 2009).

5 Cooper, Luke, “Can Contingency be ‘Internalised’ into the Bounds of Theory?Cambridge Review of International Affairs 26, 3 (2013): 573–97.

6 There are exceptions, notably, Hobson, Eastern Origins, 192; Frank, ReORIENT, 324.

7 Goldstone, Jack, “The Rise of the West—or Not?Sociological Theory 18, 2 (2000): 175–94, 191.

8 Goody, Capitalism and Modernity, 102, 60.

9 Pomeranz, Great Divergence, 111.

10 Goldstone, Jack, “Capitalist Origins, the Advent of Modernity and Coherent Explanation: A Response to Joseph M. Bryant,” Canadian Journal of Sociology 33, 1 (2008): 119–33, 120.

11 For empirical critiques, see Broadberry, Stephen and Gupta, Bishnupriya, “The Early Modern Great Divergence: Wages, Prices and Economic Development in Europe and Asia, 1500–1800,” Economic History Review 59, 1 (2006): 231 ; Allen, Robert C. et al. , “Wages, Prices, and Living Standards in China, 1738–1925: In Comparison with Europe, Japan, and India,” Economic History Review 64, S1 (2011): 838 .

12 Byrant, Joseph M., “The West and the Rest Revisited,” Canadian Journal of Sociology 31, 4 (2006): 403–44, 418.

13 Anievas, Alexander and Nişancioğlu, Kerem, How the West Came to Rule: The Geopolitical Origins of Capitalism (London: Pluto Press, 2015).

14 Bryant, “The West,” 434.

15 Hobson, Eastern Origins, 313.

16 Goldstone, “Rise of the West,” 187.

17 Pomeranz, Great Divergence, 13.

18 Bryant, “The West,” 435.

19 Bryant, Joseph M., “A New Sociology for a New History? Further Critical Thoughts on Eurasian Similarity and Great Divergence Theses,” Canadian Journal of Sociology 33, 1 (2008): 149–67, 164–65.

20 For a list of some of these contributions, see <> (accessed 24 Sept. 2016).

21 Trotsky, Leon, The History of the Russian Revolution, 3 vols. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959). Though it is often assumed that Trotsky employed UCD exclusively to examine the “peculiarities” of Russian development in explaining the October Revolution, he clearly envisioned UCD as being universally applicable in both time and space, writing for example: The law of uneven development is supplemented throughout the whole course of history by the law of combined development” (The Revolution Betrayed [New York: Monod, 1937], 30). For reconstructions of UCD as a “general abstraction” applicable to different historical eras, see Rosenberg, Justin, “Why Is there no International Historical Sociology?European Journal of International Relations 12, 3 (2006): 307–40; Matin, Kamran, Recasting Iranian Modernity: International Relations and Social Change (London: Routledge, 2013); Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule, 57–63.

22 Rosenberg, “Why Is there no International Historical Sociology?”

23 Rosenberg, Justin, “The Philosophical Premises of Uneven and Combined Development,” Review of International Studies 39, 3 (2013): 569–97, 581–83.

24 Rosenberg, “Why Is there no International Historical Sociology?”

25 Ibid., 308.

26 The revisionist historiographical approaches have largely fallen into the latter “externalist” mode of explanation, particularly those drawing on World Systems Analysis exemplified in the works of: Frank, ReORIENT; Mielants, Eric H., The Origins of Capitalism and the ‘Rise of the West’ (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2007); and Frank, Andre Gunder and Gills, Barry K., eds., The World System: Five Hundred Years or Five Thousand? (London: Routledge, 1993). They also include “neo-Weberian” scholars such as Hobson's Eastern Origins. Traditional explanations have, by contrast, largely operated with an “internalist” mode of analysis; for example Duchesne, Uniqueness; Landes, Wealth and Poverty; and Ferguson, Civilization. While the likes of Michael Mann and Perry Anderson partly transgress this divide, they do not substantively theorize “the international.”

27 Trotsky, History, 5.

28 Rosenberg, “Uneven and Combined Development,” 576.

29 Rosenberg, “Why Is there no International Historical Sociology?” 324.

30 Ibid., 316.

31 Cooper, “Can Contingency be ‘Internalised’?” 592.

32 Ibid.

33 See Matin, Recasting Iranian Modernity.

34 Rosenberg, “Why Is there no International Historical Sociology?” 319.

35 Trotsky, History, 27, 476.

36 Abu-Lughod, Janet, Before European Hegemony: The World System A.D. 1250–1350 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989).

37 Hobson, Eastern Origins; Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony, 112.

38 Frank, ReORIENT, 318, 324.

39 See Mann, Sources of Social Power, I; Tilly, Charles, Coercion, Capital and European States: A.D. 990–1992 (Cambridge: Blackwell, 1992); Ertman, Thomas, Birth of the Leviathan: Building States and Regimes in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).

40 Teschke, Benno, The Myth of 1648 (London: Verso, 2003), 123.

41 See Waltz, Kenneth, Theory of International Politics (London: McGraw Hill, 1979).

42 Teschke, Myth of 1648, 124.

43 Anderson, Perry, Passages from Antiquity to Feudalism (London: New Left Books, 1974), 128, 1819 .

44 Matin, Recasting Iranian Modernity, 32.

45 Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule, 64–90.

46 Greengrass, Mark, Christendom Destroyed: Europe 1517–1648 (London: Allen Lane, 2014), 1011, 300. Although Christendom was reproduced in the “Ottoman mirror,” its reproduction was contradictory. During the sixteenth century, the Ottomans would actively exploit the divisions within Christendom, thus contributing to its breakdown (Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule, 111–15).

47 Hobson, Eastern Origins, 112.

48 See Greengrass, Christendom Destroyed; Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule.

49 The “Eastern” origins of European feudalism are examined in Hobson, Eastern Origins, 99–115.

50 To clarify, we are not claiming that feudalism was inherently stagnant or that agents operating under feudal rules of reproduction were incapable of introducing labor-saving technologies and developing the productive forces more generally. Indeed, they often did in significant ways (see Chris Wickham, “Productive Forces and the Economic Logic of the Feudal Mode of Production,” Historical Materialism 16, 2 [2008]: 3–22). However, despite such technological innovations, feudal rules of reproduction still set clear limits to the nature and extent of such developments and these limits compelled lords to find other means of expanding their incomes, particularly through “geopolitical accumulation.” We thank one of the CSSH reviewers for pushing us to clarify this point.

51 Brenner, Robert, “The Social Basis of Economic Development,” in Roemer, John, ed., Analytical Marxism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 2353 , 31–32.

52 Anderson, Passages, 147.

53 Ibid., 148.

54 Teschke, Myth of 1648, 43–44.

55 Anderson, Perry, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: New Left Books, 1974), 18.

56 See, inter alia, McNeil, William H., The Pursuit of Power (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 117–43; Davidson, Neil, How Revolutionary Were the Bourgeois Revolutions? (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2012), 539–42; Pepijn Brandon, “Masters of War: State, Capital, and Military Enterprise in the Dutch Cycle of Accumulation (1600–1795),” PhD diss., University of Amsterdam, 2013, 139–207, 314–15.

57 See Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule, 94–106.

58 Mielants, Origins of Capitalism, 70–71.

59 Tilly, Charles, “Reflections on the History of European State-Making,” in Tilly, Charles, ed., The Formation of National States in Western Europe (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 383 , 73–74.

60 Chirot, “Rise of the West”; Mielants, Origins of Capitalism, 79; Brady, Thomas A., “The Rise of Merchant Empires, 1400–1700: A European Counterpoint,” in Tracy, James D., ed., The Political Economy of Merchant Empires: State Power and World Trade, 1350–1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 117–61, 149–50.

61 Paul Van Dyke, “How and Why the Dutch East India Company Became Competitive in the Inter-Asian Trade in East Asia in the 1630s,” Itinerario 23, 3 (1997): 41–56, 42.

62 Habib, Irfan, “Merchant Communities in Precolonial India,” in Tracy, James D., ed., The Rise of Merchant Empires: Long Distant Trade in the Early Modern World, 1350–1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 371–99, 396.

63 Pearson, M. N., “States and Merchants,” in Tracy, James D., ed., The Political Economy of Merchant Empires: State Power and World Trade, 1350–1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 41116 , 56.

64 Findlay, Ronald, “The Roots of Divergence: Western Economic History in Comparative Perspective,” American Economic Review 82, 2 (1992): 158–61, 159.

65 McNeil, Pursuit of Power, 101–2.

66 Findlay, “Roots of Divergence,” 159.

67 Ibid., 160.

68 See Bois, Guy, The Crisis of Feudalism: Economy and Society in Eastern Normandy, c. 1300–1550 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule, 77–90.

69 See Nişancioğlu, Kerem, “The Ottoman Origins of Capitalism: Uneven and Combined Development and Eurocentrism,” Review of International Studies 40, 2 (2014): 325–47.

70 Findlay, “Roots of Divergence,” 160.

71 Hoffman, Philip T., “Prices, the Military Revolution, and Western Europe's Comparative Advantage in Violence,” Economic History Review 64, S1 (2011): 3959 , 41.

72 Black, Jeremy, European Warfare in a Global Context, 1660–1815 (London: Routledge, 2007), 2627 .

73 Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule.

74 Roy, Kaushik, Military Transition in Early Modern Asia, 1400–1750 (London: Bloomsbury, 2014), 108.

75 Gommans, Jos, Mughal Warfare: Indian Frontiers and the High Road to Empire, 1500–1700 (London: Routledge, 2002), 204; Mann, Michael, “The Sources of Social Power Revisited,” in Hall, John A. and Schroeder, Ralph, eds., An Anatomy of Power (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 343–96, 382–83.

76 Peter A. Lorge, The Asian Military Revolution: From Gunpowder to the Bomb (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 137.

77 Davidson, How Revolutionary, 545–46.

78 See Abu-Lughod, Before European Hegemony; Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule, 67–77.

79 Nişancioğlu, “Ottoman Origins.”

80 See Blackburn, New World Slavery; Hobson, Eastern Origins; Frank, ReORIENT; Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule, 148–73.

81 Branch, Jordan, “‘Colonial Reflection’ and Territoriality: The Peripheral Origins of Sovereign Statehood,” European Journal of International Relations 18, 2 (2012): 277–97; Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule, 134–41.

82 See Anievas, Alexander, “Revolutions and International Relations: Rediscovering the Classical Bourgeois Revolutions,” European Journal of International Relations 21, 4 (2015): 841–66.

83 Anievas and Nişancioğlu, How the West Came to Rule, 148–73, 215–44.

84 Davidson, How Revolutionary; Anievas, “Revolutions.”

85 Hoffman, “Prices,” 39.

86 Ibid., 39.

87 Parker, Geoffrey, “Europe and the Wider World, 1500–1750,” in Tracy, James D., ed., The Political Economy of Merchant Empires: State Power and World Trade, 1350–1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 161–95, 163.

88 But see Frank, ReORIENT, 267–71.

89 Arrighi, Giovanni, “Hegemony Unravelling—2,” New Left Review 33 (2005): 83116, 103.

90 Arrighi, Long Twentieth Century, 263.

91 Jeffrey G Williamson and David Clingingsmith, “Mughal Decline, Climate Change and Britain's Industrial Ascent: An Integrated Perspective on India's 18th and 19th Century Deindustrialisation,” National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER) Working Paper 1, 1730, Cambridge, Mass., 2005, 24.

92 Davis, Mike, Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World (London: Verso, 2000), 299301 ; Williamson and Clingingsmith, “Mughal Decline,” 24.

93 Barkawi, Tarak, Globalization and War (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), 4445 .

94 Washbrook, David, “South Asia, the World System, and World Capitalism,” Journal of Asian Studies 49, 3 (1990): 479508 , 481, our emphasis.

95 Parker, “Europe,” 184–85, in part quoting Louis Dermigny.

96 See Cooper, Luke, “Asian Sources of British Imperial Power: The Role of the Mysorean Rocket in the Opium War,” in Alexander Anievas and Kamran Matin, eds., Historical Sociology and World History: Uneven and Combined Development over the Longue Durée (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2016), 111–26.

97 Cooper, “Asian Sources.”

98 See, e.g., Mann, Social Sources, I; Jones, European Miracle; Adas, Michael, Machines as the Measure of Men (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989), 186–87; Bryant, “The West,” 410–11.

99 Hobson, Eastern Origins; Cooper, “Asian Sources.”

100 Streusand, Douglas E., Islamic Gunpowder Empires: Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals (Boulder: Westview Press, 2011), 201; Richards, Mughal Empire, 6–9.

101 Gommans, Jos, “Warhorse and Post-Nomadic Empire in Asia, c. 1000–1800,” Journal of Global History 2, 1 (2007): 121 , 12, 9.

102 See Gommans, “Warhorse”; Roy, Kaushik, Warfare in Pre-British India—1500 BCE to 1740 CE (London: Routledge, 2015); Wink, André, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, Volume III (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 119–69.

103 Wickham, Chris, “The Uniqueness of the East,” Journal of Peasant Studies 12, 2–3 (1985): 166–96; Pearson, “States and Merchants,” 52–61; Callinicos, Alex, Imperialism and Global Political Economy (London: Polity, 2009), 115–23.

104 Our examination of the Mughal Empire takes inspiration from Kamran Matin's excellent analysis of premodern Iranian state-formation in Recasting Iranian Modernity, 24–44.

105 Gommans, Mughal Warfare, 39, our emphasis.

106 On the absence of stable private property land rights in the great Islamic empires (including the Mughals) being a consequence of their nomadic origins, see Anderson, Lineages, 491, 499–503.

107 Gommans, Mughal Warfare, 81–82.

108 Gommans, “Warhorse,” 17.

109 Roy, Warfare, 132.

110 Gommans, Mughal Warfare, 84; see further, Habib, Irfan, Essays in Indian History (New Delhi: Tulika, 1995), 188–89, 205–6.

111 Gommans, “Warhorse,” 18.

112 Habib, Irfan, The Agrarian System of Mughal India, 1556–1707 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2d ed., 1999), 298–99, 364.

113 This was a general tendency of tributary systems; see Callinicos, Imperialism, 118–19.

114 Habib, Agrarian System, 301.

115 See Wickham, “Uniqueness of the East.”

116 Roy, Warfare, ch. 5; Gommans, “Warhorse.”

117 Fletcher, Joseph, “Turco-Mongolian Monarchic Tradition in the Ottoman Empire,” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 3/4 (1979–1980): 236–51, 243; Gommans, “Warhorse,” 17.

118 Gommans, Mughal Warfare, 92.

119 Streusand, Islamic Gunpowder Empires, 206–7; Gommans, Mughal Warfare, 40–41.

120 Habib, Agrarian System, 384, 386; see further, Richards, John F., “Warriors and the State in Early Modern India,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 47, 3 (2004): 390400 , 392–93.

121 Gommans, Mughal Warfare, 68–69.

122 Ibid., 69.

123 On the socioeconomic background of the leaders of the Maratha Revolt, see Chandra, Satish, “Social Background to the Rise of the Maratha Movement during the 17th Century in India,” Indian Economic Social History Review 10 (1973): 209–17; Habib, Agrarian System, 389, 400–4.

124 Gommans, Mughal Warfare, 79–80.

125 Fukazawa, “Maharashtra,” 197.

126 This is not to claim that the feudal mode of production in its totality was ever fully established or secured in the Maratha Empire, but rather that its socioeconomic system can be characterized as sharing certain commonalities with feudalism while nonetheless remaining overdetermined by the wider dominant tributary context in which it formed a part. See further, Fukazawa, “Maharashtra,” 198–99.

127 Darwin, John, After Tamerlane (London: Penguin, 2007), 150.

128 Habib, Agrarian System, 400; Gommans, Mughal Warfare, 77.

129 Richards, John F., The Mughal Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 244–45, 252.

130 Williamson and Clingingsmith, “Mughal Decline,” 13; Bayly, C. A., Rulers, Townsmen, and Bazaars: North Indian Society in the Age of British Expansion, 1770–1870 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 7071 .

131 Richards, J. F., “Mughal State Finance and the Premodern World Economy,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 23, 2 (1981): 285308 , 299–300. However, in 1702 Aurangzeb did (unsuccessfully) attempt to secure interest-free loans to pay for troop arrears in the Deccan. Leonard, Karen, “The ‘Great Firm’ Theory of the Decline of the Mughal Empire,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 21, 2 (1979): 151–67, 160.

132 Habib, Agrarian System, 367–68.

133 Moosvi, Shireen, “Scarcities, Prices and Exploitation: The Agrarian Crisis, 1658–70,” Studies in History 1, 1 (1985): 4555 , 53.

134 Habib, Agrarian System, 367.

135 Peers, Douglas M., India under Colonial Rule 1770–1885 (Harlow: Pearson, 2006), 17.

136 Streusand, Islamic Gunpowder Empires, 206.

137 In addition to the approximately sixty Muslim warlords from the Deccan granted mansabs, the Mughals enlisted nearly a hundred Maratha chiefs into the lower ranks of the mansabdāri system. The Maratha share of total mansabdārs increased from 5.5 percent at the beginning of Aurangzeb's rule to approximately 16.7 percent by the end. Such an “open policy put a strain on the imperial resources and forced Aurangzeb to restrict admissions and to reduce salaries” (Gommans, Mughal Warfare, 79).

138 Ali, M. Athar, The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb (New Dehli: Oxford University Press, rev. ed., 2001).

139 As Gommans notes, “Already during Akbar's reign the total salary claim against mansab was a staggering 80 per cent of the total revenue”—a share that climbed even further with the growing power and assertiveness of the zamīndārs from the mid-seventeenth century (Mughal Warfare, 87–88).

140 Ibid., 79–80.

141 Richards, Mughal Empire, 186.

142 Bayly, Indian Society, 47, 51, 57.

143 Raychaudhuri, Tapan, “The Mid-Eighteenth-Century Background,” in Raychaudhuri, Tapan et al. , eds., The Cambridge Economic History of India, Volume II, c. 1751–c. 1970 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 17.

144 Rana, R.P., “Was There an Agrarian Crisis in Mughal North India during the Late-Seventeenth and Early-Eighteenth Centuries?Social Scientist 34, 11/12 (2006): 1832 , 21–22.

145 See Rana, “Was There an Agrarian Crisis,” 27; Habib, Agrarian System, 364–405; Moosvi, “Scarcities”; Raychaudhuri, “Mid-Eighteenth-Century Background”; Williamson and Clingingsmith, “Mughal Decline,” 7–17. We cannot fully engage here with the vast historiographical debates concerning the nature and extent of the Mughals economic decline. The revisionist historiography has certainly problematized the monolithic view of medieval and early modern India as inherently stagnant, and has highlighted unmistakable signs of commercial and technological dynamism throughout much of precolonial Indian history. Nevertheless, the evidence does seem to suggest that despite—or, most likely, because of—this earlier period of sustained economic growth, the Mughal agrarian economy did begin to decline around the mid-seventeenth century. This was, however, not a uniform process, given the highly uneven development of different regions and economic sectors. C. A. Bayly's study of eighteenth-century northern India, for example, demonstrates how urban prosperity existed alongside aggregate agrarian decline, noting “large penumbras of agricultural decline, particularly in the northwest” (Rulers, Townsmen, and Bazaars, 76).

146 See Rana, R. P., “Agrarian Revolts in Northern India during the Late 17th and Early 18th Century,” Indian Economic Social History Review 18, 3–4 (1981): 287325 ; Habib, Essays, 233–58.

147 Williamson and Clingingsmith, “Mughal Decline,” 14.

148 Chandra, Satish, Medieval India: Society, the Jagirdari Crisis and the Village (Madras: Macmillan, 1992), xiv.

149 Washbrook, David, “India in the Early Modern World Economy: Modes of Production, Reproduction and Exchange,” Journal of Global History 2, 1 (2007): 87111 , 105–6.

150 The Marathan admiral Kanhoji Angre famously never lost a battle to Europeans during his fifty-eight-year career. See Raghavan, T. R., “Admiral Kanhoji Angre,” in Kurup, K.K.N., ed., India's Naval Traditions: The Role of the Kunhali Marakkars (New Delhi: Northern Book Centre, 1997), 7278 .

151 Tandon, Ram Krishna, “European Adventurers and Changes in the Indian Military System,” in Hagerdal, Hans, ed., Responding to the West: Essays on Colonial Domination and Asian Agency (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2009), 2943 , 33.

152 Sen, S. N., The Military System of the Marathas (Calcutta: Orient Longman, 1958), 85.

153 Tandon, “European Adventurers,” 37.

154 Hatalkar, V. G., Relations between the French and the Marathas (1668–1815) (Bombay: University of Bombay, 1958).

155 Tandon, “European Adventurers,” 41.

156 Ali, M. Athar, “The Passing of Empire: The Mughal Case,” Modern Asian Studies 9, 3 (1975): 385–96, 388.

157 Chaudhuri, K. N., The Trading World of Asia and the English East India Company, 1660–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 309, 294.

158 Mukherjee, Rila quoted by Frank, Andre Gunder, “India in the World Economy, 1400–1750,” Economic and Political Weekly 31, 30 (1996): 5064 , 61.

159 Richards, “Mughal State Finance,” 306.

160 Dasgupta, A., “Indian Merchants and the Trade in the Indian Ocean,” in Raychaudhuri, Tapan and Habi, Irfan, eds., Cambridge Economic History of India, Volume I, c. 1200–c. 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 407–33, 433.

161 Arasaratnam, S., Maritime Trade, Society and European Influence in Southern Asia, 1600–1800 (Aldershot: Variorum, 1995), 2829 .

162 Richards, Mughal Empire, 239.

163 See Chatterjee, Partha, The Black Hole of Empire: History of a Global Practice of Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012), 132 .

164 See Frank, “India.”

165 See Roy, Military Transition, 199; Lorge, Asian Military Revolution, 136.

166 Lorge, Asian Military Revolution, 136.

167 Black, European Warfare, 17.

168 See Leonard, “Great Firm,” 158–59; Bayly, Indian Society, 50–52; Washbrook, “India,” 106–7, 110; Chatterjee, Black Hole of Empire, 29–30.

169 Bayly, Indian Society, 51.

170 Mann, “Sources,” 383–84.

171 McLynn, Frank, 1759: The Year Britain Became Master of the World (London: Vintage, 2004), 1.

172 Ibid., 391.

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How Did the West Usurp the Rest? Origins of the Great Divergence over the Longue Durée

  • Alexander Anievas (a1) and Kerem Nişancioğlu (a2)


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